Bernard Montgomery

Bernard Montgomery

Profession: British WWII Field Marshal

Nationality:  British

Biography: Monty was appointed to lead the British 8th Army in North Africa in 1942 and won the pivotal Battle of El Alamein.

He subsequently commanded the 8th Army in Sicily and Italy before assisting in the planning for the D-Day invasion in Normandy.

He was in command of all Allied ground forces during Operation Overlord from the initial landings until after the Battle of Normandy. He also commanded the failed Allied airborne assault into the Netherlands, codenamed Operation Market Garden, and accepted the surrender of German forces in Northern Europe at Luneburg Heath.

Born: November 171887
Birthplace: London, England, United Kingdom

Generation: Lost Generation
Star Sign: Scorpio

Died: March 241976 (aged 88)

Field Marshal Bernard Law Montgomery, 1st Viscount Montgomery of AlameinKGGCBDSOPCDL (/məntˈɡʌməri … ˈæləmeɪn/; 17 November 1887 – 24 March 1976), nicknamed “Monty” and “The Spartan General“,[10] was a senior British Army officer who served in the First World War, the Irish War of Independence and the Second World War.

Royal Warwickshire Regiment.

Montgomery first saw action in the First World War as a junior officer of the Royal Warwickshire Regiment. At Méteren, near the Belgian border at Bailleul, he was shot through the right lung by a sniper, during the First Battle of Ypres. On returning to the Western Front as a general staff officer, he took part in the Battle of Arras in April–May 1917. He also took part in the Battle of Passchendaele in late 1917 before finishing the war as chief of staff of the 47th (2nd London) Division.

In the inter-war years he commanded the 17th (Service) Battalion, Royal Fusiliers and, later, the 1st Battalion, Royal Warwickshire Regiment before becoming commander of the 9th Infantry Brigade and then General officer commanding (GOC), 8th Infantry Division.

During the Western Desert campaign of the Second World War, Montgomery commanded the British Eighth Army from August 1942, through the Second Battle of El Alamein and on to the final Allied victory in Tunisia in May 1943. He subsequently commanded the British Eighth Army during the Allied invasion of Sicily and the Allied invasion of Italy and was in command of all Allied ground forces during the Battle of Normandy (Operation Overlord), from D-Day on 6 June 1944 until 1 September 1944. He then continued in command of the 21st Army Group for the rest of the North West Europe campaign, including the failed attempt to cross the Rhine during Operation Market Garden.

Operation Market Garden.

When German armoured forces broke through the American lines in Belgium during the Battle of the Bulge, Montgomery received command of the northern shoulder of the Bulge. This included temporary command of the US First Army and the US Ninth Army, which held up the German advance to the north of the Bulge while the US Third Army under Patton relieved Bastogne from the south.

Montgomery’s 21st Army Group, including the US Ninth Army and the First Allied Airborne Army, crossed the Rhine in Operation Plunder in March 1945, two weeks after the US First Army had crossed the Rhine in the Battle of Remagen. By the end of the war, troops under Montgomery’s command had taken part in the encirclement of the Ruhr Pocket, liberated the Netherlands, and captured much of north-west Germany. On 4 May 1945, Montgomery accepted the surrender of the German forces in north-western Europe at Lüneburg Heath, south of Hamburg, after the surrender of Berlin to the USSR on 2 May.

After the war he became Commander-in-Chief of the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) in Germany and then Chief of the Imperial General Staff (1946–1948). From 1948 to 1951, he served as Chairman of the Commanders-in-Chief Committee of the Western Union. He then served as NATO‘s Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe until his retirement in 1958.

Early life.

 Henry Montgomery,

Montgomery was born in Kennington, Surrey, in 1887, the fourth child of nine, to a Church of Ireland ministerHenry Montgomery, and his wife, Maud (née Farrar).[11] The Montgomerys, an Ulster-Scots ‘Ascendancy‘ gentry family, were the County Donegal branch of the Clan Montgomery. Henry Montgomery, at that time Vicar of St Mark’s Church, Kennington, was the second son of Sir Robert Montgomery, a native of Inishowen in County Donegal in Ulster,[12] the noted colonial administrator in British India, who died a month after his grandson’s birth.[13] He was probably a descendant of Colonel Alexander Montgomery (1686–1729). Bernard’s mother, Maud, was the daughter of The V. Rev. Frederic William Canon Farrar, the famous preacher, and was eighteen years younger than her husband.[14]

After the death of Sir Robert Montgomery, Henry inherited the Montgomery ancestral estate of New Park in Moville in Inishowen in Ulster. There was still £13,000 to pay on a mortgage, a large debt in the 1880s (equivalent to £1,477,941 in 2020).[15], and Henry was at the time still only an Anglican vicar. Despite selling off all the farms that were at Ballynally, “there was barely enough to keep up New Park and pay for the blasted summer holiday” (i.e., at New Park).[16]

It was a financial relief of some magnitude when, in 1889, Henry was made Bishop of Tasmania, then still a British colony and Bernard spent his formative years there. Bishop Montgomery considered it his duty to spend as much time as possible in the rural areas of Tasmania and was away for up to six months at a time. While he was away, his wife, still in her mid-twenties, gave her children “constant” beatings,[17] then ignored them most of the time as she performed the public duties of the bishop’s wife. Of Bernard’s siblings, Sibyl died prematurely in Tasmania, and Harold, Donald and Una all emigrated.[18] Maud Montgomery took little active interest in the education of her young children other than to have them taught by tutors brought from Britain. The loveless environment made Bernard something of a bully, as he himself recalled, “I was a dreadful little boy. I don’t suppose anybody would put up with my sort of behaviour these days.”[19] Later in life Montgomery refused to allow his son David to have anything to do with his grandmother, and refused to attend her funeral in 1949.[20]

The family returned to England once for a Lambeth Conference in 1897, and Bernard and his brother Harold were educated for a term at The King’s School, Canterbury.[21] In 1901, Bishop Montgomery became secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and the family returned to London. Montgomery attended St Paul’s School and then the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, from which he was almost expelled for rowdiness and violence.[22] On graduation in September 1908 he was commissioned into the 1st Battalion the Royal Warwickshire Regiment as a second lieutenant,[23] and first saw overseas service later that year in India.[22] He was promoted to lieutenant in 1910,[24] and in 1912 became adjutant of the 1st Battalion of his regiment at Shorncliffe Army Camp.[22]

First World War.

Captain Bernard Montgomery (right) with Brigadier-General J. W. Sandilands,

Captain Bernard Montgomery (right) with Brigadier-General J. W. Sandilands, commander of the 104th Brigade35th Division. Montgomery served as brigade major with the 104th Brigade from January 1915 until early 1917.

The Great War began in August 1914 and Montgomery moved to France with his battalion that month, which was at the time part of the 10th Brigade of the 4th Division.[22] He saw action at the Battle of Le Cateau that month and during the retreat from Mons.[22] At Méteren, near the Belgian border at Bailleul on 13 October 1914, during an Allied counter-offensive, he was shot through the right lung by a sniper.[22] Montgomery was hit once more, in the knee.[20] He was awarded the Distinguished Service Order for gallant leadership: the citation for this award, published in the London Gazette in December 1914 reads: “Conspicuous gallant leading on 13th October, when he turned the enemy out of their trenches with the bayonet. He was severely wounded.”[25]

After recovering in early 1915, he was appointed brigade major,[26] first of the 112th Brigade, and then with 104th Brigade training in Lancashire.[27] He returned to the Western Front in early 1916 as a general staff officer in the 33rd Division and took part in the Battle of Arras in April–May 1917.[27] He became a general staff officer with IX Corps, part of General Sir Herbert Plumer‘s Second Army, in July 1917.[27]

The Minister of Munitions, Winston Churchill, 

The Minister of Munitions, Winston Churchill, watching the march past of the 47th (2nd London) Division in the Grande Place, Lille. In front of him is the Chief of Staff of the 47th Division, Lieutenant-Colonel Bernard Montgomery.

Battle of Passchendaele

Montgomery served at the Battle of Passchendaele in late 1917 before finishing the war as GSO1 (effectively chief of staff) of the 47th (2nd London) Division,[27] with the temporary rank of lieutenant-colonel.[28] A photograph from October 1918, reproduced in many biographies, shows the then unknown Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery standing in front of Winston Churchill (then the Minister of Munitions) at the parade following the liberation of Lille.[29]

Between the world wars.

1920s.

After the First World War Montgomery commanded the 17th (Service) Battalion of the Royal Fusiliers,[30] a battalion in the British Army of the Rhine, before reverting to his substantive rank of captain (brevet major) in November 1919.[31] He had not at first been selected for the Staff College in Camberley, Surrey (his only hope of ever achieving high command). But at a tennis party in Cologne, he was able to persuade the Commander-in-chief (C-in-C) of the British Army of OccupationField Marshal Sir William Robertson, to add his name to the list.[32]

After graduating from the Staff College, he was appointed brigade major in the 17th Infantry Brigade in January 1921.[33] The brigade was stationed in County Cork, Ireland, carrying out counter-insurgency operations during the final stages of the Irish War of Independence.[27]

The Irish Civil War was a conflict that followed the Irish War of Independence 

Montgomery came to the conclusion that the conflict could not be won without harsh measures, and that self-government for Ireland was the only feasible solution; in 1923, after the establishment of the Irish Free State and during the Irish Civil War, Montgomery wrote to Colonel Arthur Ernest Percival of the Essex Regiment:

Personally, my whole attention was given to defeating the rebels but it never bothered me a bit how many houses were burnt. I think I regarded all civilians as ‘Shinners’ and I never had any dealings with any of them. My own view is that to win a war of this sort, you must be ruthless. Oliver Cromwell, or the Germans, would have settled it in a very short time. Nowadays public opinion precludes such methods, the nation would never allow it, and the politicians would lose their jobs if they sanctioned it. That being so, I consider that Lloyd George was right in what he did, if we had gone on we could probably have squashed the rebellion as a temporary measure, but it would have broken out again like an ulcer the moment we removed the troops. I think the rebels would probably [have] refused battles, and hidden their arms etc. until we had gone.[34]

In May 1923, Montgomery was posted to the 49th (West Riding) Infantry Division, a Territorial Army (TA) formation.[27] He returned to the 1st Battalion, Royal Warwickshire Regiment in 1925 as a company commander[27] and was promoted to major in July 1925.[35] From January 1926 to January 1929 he served as Deputy Assistant Adjutant General at the Staff College, Camberley, in the temporary rank of lieutenant-colonel.[36]

Staff College, Camberley

Marriage and family

In 1925, in his first known courtship of a woman, Montgomery, then in his late thirties, proposed to a 17-year-old girl, Miss Betty Anderson. His approach included drawing diagrams in the sand of how he would deploy his tanks and infantry in a future war, a contingency which seemed very remote at that time. She respected his ambition and single-mindedness, but declined his proposal of marriage.[37]

In 1927, he met and married Elizabeth (Betty) Carver, née Hobart.[27] She was the sister of the future Second World War commander Major-General Sir Percy Hobart.[27] Betty Carver had two sons in their early teens, John and Dick, from her first marriage to Oswald Carver. Dick Carver later wrote that it had been “a very brave thing” for Montgomery to take on a widow with two children.[38] Montgomery’s son, David, was born in August 1928.[27]

While on holiday in Burnham-on-Sea in 1937, Betty suffered an insect bite which became infected, and she died in her husband’s arms from septicaemia following amputation of her leg.[27] The loss devastated Montgomery, who was then serving as a brigadier, but he insisted on throwing himself back into his work immediately after the funeral.[20] Montgomery’s marriage had been extremely happy. Much of his correspondence with his wife was destroyed when his quarters at Portsmouth were bombed during the Second World War.[39] After Montgomery’s death, John Carver wrote that his mother had arguably done the country a favour by keeping his personal oddities—his extreme single-mindedness, and his intolerance of and suspicion of the motives of others—within reasonable bounds long enough for him to have a chance of attaining high command.[40]

Both of Montgomery’s stepsons became army officers in the 1930s (both were serving in India at the time of their mother’s death), and both served in the Second World War, each eventually attaining the rank of colonel.[41] While serving as a GSO2[42] with Eighth Army, Dick Carver was sent forward during the pursuit after El Alamein to help identify a new site for Eighth Army HQ. He was taken prisoner at Mersa Matruh on 7 November 1942.[43] Montgomery wrote to his contacts in England asking that inquiries be made via the Red Cross as to where his stepson was being held, and that parcels be sent to him.[44] Like many British POWs, the most famous being General Richard O’Connor, Dick Carver escaped in September 1943 during the brief hiatus between Italy’s departure from the war and the German seizure of the country. He eventually reached British lines on 5 December 1943, to the delight of his stepfather, who sent him home to Britain to recuperate.[45]

General Richard O’Connor, Dick Carver

1930s

In January 1929 Montgomery was promoted to brevet lieutenant-colonel.[46] That month he returned to the 1st Battalion, Royal Warwickshire Regiment again, as Commander of Headquarters Company; he went to the War Office to help write the Infantry Training Manual in mid-1929.[27] In 1931 Montgomery was promoted to substantive lieutenant-colonel[47] and became the Commanding officer (CO) of the 1st Battalion, Royal Warwickshire Regiment and saw service in Palestine and British India.[27] He was promoted to colonel in June 1934 (seniority from January 1932).[48] He attended and was then recommended to become an instructor at the Indian Army Staff College (now the Pakistan Command and Staff College) in Quetta, British India.[49]

The British Raj (/rɑːdʒ/; from Hindi rāj: kingdom, realm, state, or empire[6][a]) was the rule of the British Crown on the Indian subcontinent;[8] it is also called Crown rule in India,

On completion of his tour of duty in India, Montgomery returned to Britain in June 1937[50] where he took command of the 9th Infantry Brigade with the temporary rank of brigadier.[51] His wife died that year.[27]

In 1938, he organised an amphibious combined operations landing exercise that impressed the new C-in-C of Southern Command, General Sir Archibald Percival Wavell. He was promoted to major-general on 14 October 1938[52] and took command of the 8th Infantry Division[53] in the British mandate of Palestine.[27] In Palestine, Montgomery was involved in suppressing an Arab revolt which had broken out over opposition to Jewish emigration.[54] He returned in July 1939 to Britain, suffering a serious illness on the way, to command the 3rd (Iron) Infantry Division.[27] Reporting the suppression of the revolt in April 1939, Montgomery wrote, “I shall be sorry to leave Palestine in many ways, as I have enjoyed the war out here”.[20]

Second World War.

British Expeditionary Force.

Retreat to Dunkirk and evacuation.

See also: Battle of Dunkirk and Dunkirk evacuation

Battle of France
The British Expeditionary Force (BEF) was the name of the contingent of the British Army sent to France in 1939
“Soldiers from the British Expeditionary Force fire at low flying German aircraft during the Dunkirk evacuation” –

Britain declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939. The 3rd Division was deployed to Belgium as part of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF). During this time, Montgomery faced serious trouble from his military superiors and the clergy for his frank attitude regarding the sexual health of his soldiers, but was defended from dismissal by his superior Alan Brooke, commander of II Corps.[55] Montgomery had issued a circular on the prevention of venereal disease, worded in such “obscene language” that both the Church of England and Roman Catholic senior chaplains objected; Brooke told Monty that he did not want any further errors of this kind, though deciding not to get him to formally withdraw it as it would remove any “vestige of respect” left for him.[56]

Montgomery’s training paid off when the Germans began their invasion of the Low Countries on 10 May 1940 and the 3rd Division advanced to the River Dijle and then withdrew to Dunkirk with great professionalism, entering the Dunkirk perimeter in a famous night-time march that placed his forces on the left flank, which had been left exposed by the Belgian surrender.[57] Early in the campaign, when the 3rd Division was near Leuven, they were fired on by members of the Belgian 10th Infantry Division who mistook them for German paratroopers; Montgomery resolved the incident by approaching them and offering to place himself under Belgian command.[58] The 3rd Division returned to Britain intact with minimal casualties. During Operation Dynamo—the evacuation of 330,000 BEF and French troops to Britain—Montgomery assumed command of the II Corps.[59]

On his return Montgomery antagonised the War Office with trenchant criticisms of the command of the BEF[20] and was briefly relegated back to divisional command of 3rd Division. 3rd Division was at that time the only fully equipped division in Britain.[60] He was made a Companion of the Order of the Bath.[61]

Lieutenant-General Alan Brooke, GOC II Corps, with Major-General Bernard Montgomery, GOC 3rd Division, and Major-General Dudley Johnson, GOC 4th Infantry Division, pictured here in either 1939 or 1940.

Lieutenant-General Bernard Montgomery, GOC V Corps, with war correspondents during a large-scale exercise in Southern Command, March 1941.

Montgomery was ordered to make ready his 3rd Division to invade the neutral Portuguese Azores.[60] Models of the islands were prepared and detailed plans worked out for the invasion.[60] The invasion plans did not go ahead and plans switched to invading Cape Verde island also belonging to neutral Portugal.[62] These invasion plans also did not go ahead. Montgomery was then ordered to prepare plans for the invasion of neutral Ireland and to seize CorkCobh and Cork harbour.[62] These invasion plans, like those of the Portuguese islands, also did not go ahead and in July 1940, Montgomery was appointed acting lieutenant-general,[63] and placed in command of V Corps, responsible for the defence of Hampshire and Dorset, and started a long-running feud with the new Commander-in-chief (C-in-C) of Southern Command, Lieutenant-General Claude Auchinleck.[20]

Montgomery, GOC V Corps, with war correspondents during a large-scale exercise in Southern Command, March 1941.

Senior officers discuss operations during Exercise ‘Bumper’, 2 October 1941. On the left the Chief Umpire, Lieutenant-General Bernard Montgomery, talks to the C-in-C Home Forces, General Sir Alan Brooke.

In April 1941, he became commander of XII Corps responsible for the defence of Kent.[59] During this period he instituted a regime of continuous training and insisted on high levels of physical fitness for both officers and other ranks. He was ruthless in sacking officers he considered would be unfit for command in action.[64] Promoted to temporary lieutenant-general in July,[65] in December Montgomery was given command of South-Eastern Command[66] overseeing the defence of Kent, Sussex and Surrey.[64]

He renamed his command the South-Eastern Army to promote offensive spirit. During this time he further developed and rehearsed his ideas and trained his soldiers, culminating in Exercise Tiger in May 1942, a combined forces exercise involving 100,000 troops.[67]

North Africa and Italy

Montgomery’s early command.

See also: North African CampaignWestern Desert CampaignTunisia Campaign, and Italian Campaign (World War II)

Montgomery inspecting men of the 7th Battalion, Suffolk Regiment, at Sandbanks near PooleDorset, 22 March 1941.

Montgomery in a Grant tank in North Africa, November 1942.

In 1942, a new field commander was required in the Middle East, where Auchinleck was fulfilling both the role of Commander-in-chief (C-in-C) of Middle East Command and commander Eighth Army. He had stabilised the Allied position at the First Battle of El Alamein, but after a visit in August 1942, the Prime Minister, Winston Churchill, replaced him as C-in-C with General Sir Harold Alexander and William Gott as commander of the Eighth Army in the Western Desert. However, after Gott was killed flying back to Cairo, Churchill was persuaded by Brooke, who by this time was Chief of the Imperial General Staff (CIGS), to appoint Montgomery, who had only just been nominated to replace Alexander, as commander of the British First Army for Operation Torch, the invasion of French North Africa.[68]

A story, probably apocryphal but popular at the time, is that the appointment caused Montgomery to remark that “After having an easy war, things have now got much more difficult.” A colleague is supposed to have told him to cheer up—at which point Montgomery said “I’m not talking about me, I’m talking about Rommel!”[69]

Montgomery’s assumption of command transformed the fighting spirit and abilities of the Eighth Army.[70] Taking command on 13 August 1942, he immediately became a whirlwind of activity. He ordered the creation of the X Corps, which contained all armoured divisions, to fight alongside his XXX Corps, which was all infantry divisions. This arrangement differed from the German Panzer Corps: one of Rommel’s Panzer Corps combined infantry, armour and artillery units under one corps commander. The only common commander for Montgomery’s all-infantry and all-armour corps was the Eighth Army Commander himself. Correlli Barnett commented that Montgomery’s solution “… was in every way opposite to Auchinleck’s and in every way wrong, for it carried the existing dangerous separatism still further.”[71] Montgomery reinforced the 30 miles (48 km) long front line at El Alamein, something that would take two months to accomplish. He asked Alexander to send him two new British divisions (51st Highland and 44th Home Counties) that were then arriving in Egypt and were scheduled to be deployed in defence of the Nile Delta. He moved his field HQ to Burg al Arab, close to the Air Force command post in order to better coordinate combined operations.[70]

Montgomery was determined that the army, navy and air forces should fight their battles in a unified, focused manner according to a detailed plan. He ordered immediate reinforcement of the vital heights of Alam Halfa, just behind his own lines, expecting the German commander, Erwin Rommel, to attack with the heights as his objective, something that Rommel soon did. Montgomery ordered all contingency plans for retreat to be destroyed. “I have cancelled the plan for withdrawal. If we are attacked, then there will be no retreat. If we cannot stay here alive, then we will stay here dead”,[72] he told his officers at the first meeting he held with them in the desert, though, in fact, Auchinleck had no plans to withdraw from the strong defensive position he had chosen and established at El Alamein.[73]

During Exercise ‘Bumper’ on 2 October 1941 Montgomery, the Chief Umpire, talks to General Sir Alan Brooke (C-in-C Home Forces)

Lieutenant-General Bernard Montgomery, the new commander of the British Eighth Army, and Lieutenant-General Brian Horrocks, the new GOC XIII Corps, discussing troop dispositions at 22nd Armoured Brigade HQ, 20 August 1942. The brigade commander, Brigadier George Roberts is on the right (in beret).

Montgomery made a great effort to appear before troops as often as possible, frequently visiting various units and making himself known to the men, often arranging for cigarettes to be distributed. Although he still wore a standard British officer’s cap on arrival in the desert, he briefly wore an Australian broad-brimmed hat before switching to wearing the black beret (with the badge of the Royal Tank Regiment and the British General Officer’s badge) for which he became notable. The black beret was offered to him by Jim Fraser while the latter was driving him on an inspection tour.[74] Both Brooke and Alexander were astonished by the transformation in atmosphere when they visited on 19 August, less than a week after Montgomery had taken command.[72]

Alanbrooke said that Churchill was always impatient for his generals to attack at once, and he wrote that Montgomery was always “my Monty” when Montgomery was out of favour with Churchill! Eden had some late night drinks with Churchill, and Eden said at a meeting of the Chiefs of Staff the next day (29 October 1942) that the Middle East offensive was “petering out”. Alanbrooke had told Churchill “fairly plainly” what he thought of Eden’s ability to judge the tactical situation from a distance, and was supported at the Chiefs of Staff meeting by Smuts.[75]

First battles with Rommel

Montgomery in a Grant tank in North Africa, November 1942.

General Montgomery with his pets, the puppies “Hitler” (left) and “Rommel”, and a cage of canaries which also travelled with him (at Blay, his second HQ in France in July 1944).

General Montgomery with his pets, the puppies “Hitler” (left) and “Rommel”, and a cage of canaries which also travelled with him (at Blay, his second HQ in France in July 1944).

Rommel attempted to turn the left flank of the Eighth Army at the Battle of Alam el Halfa from 31 August 1942. The German/Italian armoured corps infantry attack was stopped in very heavy fighting. Rommel’s forces had to withdraw urgently lest their retreat through the British minefields be cut off.[76] Montgomery was criticised for not counter-attacking the retreating forces immediately, but he felt strongly that his methodical build-up of British forces was not yet ready. A hasty counter-attack risked ruining his strategy for an offensive on his own terms in late October, planning for which had begun soon after he took command.[77] He was confirmed in the permanent rank of lieutenant-general in mid-October.[78]

The conquest of Libya was essential for airfields to support Malta and to threaten the rear of Axis forces opposing Operation Torch. Montgomery prepared meticulously for the new offensive after convincing Churchill that the time was not being wasted. (Churchill sent a telegram to Alexander on 23 September 1942 which began, “We are in your hands and of course a victorious battle makes amends for much delay.”[79]) He was determined not to fight until he thought there had been sufficient preparation for a decisive victory, and put into action his beliefs with the gathering of resources, detailed planning, the training of troops—especially in clearing minefields and fighting at night[80]—and in the use of 252[81] of the latest American-built Sherman tanks, 90 M7 Priest self-propelled howitzers, and making a personal visit to every unit involved in the offensive. By the time the offensive was ready in late October, Eighth Army had 231,000 men on its ration strength.[82]

El Alamein

Lieutenant-General Bernard Montgomery, the new commander of the British Eighth Army, and Lieutenant-General Brian Horrocks, the new GOC XIII Corps, discussing troop dispositions at 22nd Armoured Brigade HQ, 20 August 1942. The brigade commander, Brigadier George Roberts is on the right (in beret).

Men of the 9th Australian Division in a posed photograph during the Second Battle of El Alamein (photographer: Len Chetwyn)

Men of the 9th Australian Division in a posed photograph during the Second Battle of El Alamein (photographer: Len Chetwyn)

The Second Battle of El Alamein began on 23 October 1942, and ended 12 days later with one of the first large-scale, decisive Allied land victories of the war. Montgomery correctly predicted both the length of the battle and the number of casualties (13,500).[83]

Historian Correlli Barnett has pointed out that the rain also fell on the Germans, and that the weather is therefore an inadequate explanation for the failure to exploit the breakthrough, but nevertheless the Battle of El Alamein had been a great success. Over 30,000 prisoners of war were taken,[84] including the German second-in-command, General von Thoma, as well as eight other general officers.[85] Rommel, having been in a hospital in Germany at the start of the battle, was forced to return on 25 October 1942 after Stumme—his replacement as German commander—died of a heart attack in the early hours of the battle.[86]

Tunisia

The British Prime Minister Winston Churchill with military leaders during his visit to Tripoli. The group includes: Lieutenant-General Sir Oliver Leese, General Sir Harold Alexander, General Sir Alan Brooke and General Sir Bernard Montgomery.

The British Prime Minister Winston Churchill with military leaders during his visit to Tripoli. The group includes: Lieutenant-General Sir Oliver Leese, General Sir Harold Alexander, General Sir Alan Brooke and General Sir Bernard Montgomery.

Montgomery was advanced to KCB and promoted to full general.[87] He kept the initiative, applying superior strength when it suited him, forcing Rommel out of each successive defensive position. On 6 March 1943, Rommel’s attack on the over-extended Eighth Army at Medenine (Operation Capri) with the largest concentration of German armour in North Africa was successfully repulsed.[88] At the Mareth Line, 20 to 27 March, when Montgomery encountered fiercer frontal opposition than he had anticipated, he switched his major effort into an outflanking inland pincer, backed by low-flying RAF fighter-bomber support.[89] For his role in North Africa he was awarded the Legion of Merit by the United States government in the rank of Chief Commander.[90]

Sicily

Montgomery visits Patton in Palermo, Sicily, July 1943.

Montgomery visits Patton in Palermo, Sicily, July 1943.

The next major Allied attack was the Allied invasion of Sicily (Operation Husky). Montgomery considered the initial plans for the Allied invasion, which had been agreed in principle by General Dwight D. Eisenhower, the Supreme Allied Commander Allied Forces Headquarters, and General Alexander, the 15th Army Group commander, to be unworkable because of the dispersion of effort. He managed to have the plans recast to concentrate the Allied forces, having Lieutenant General George Patton‘s US Seventh Army land in the Gulf of Gela (on the Eighth Army’s left flank, which landed around Syracuse in the south-east of Sicily) rather than near Palermo in the west and north of Sicily.[91] Inter-Allied tensions grew as the American commanders, Patton and Omar Bradley (then commanding US II Corps under Patton), took umbrage at what they saw as Montgomery’s attitudes and boastfulness.[89] However, while they were considered three of the greatest soldiers of their time, due to their competitiveness they were renowned for “squabbling like three schoolgirls” thanks to their “bitchiness”, “whining to their superiors” and “showing off”.[92]

Italian campaign

Wartime photograph of General Sir Bernard Montgomery with his Miles Messenger aircraft (location and date unknown)

From left to right: Freddie de GuingandHarry Broadhurst, Sir Bernard Montgomery, Sir Bernard FreybergMiles Dempsey and Charles Allfrey

From left to right: Freddie de GuingandHarry Broadhurst, Sir Bernard Montgomery, Sir Bernard FreybergMiles Dempsey and Charles Allfrey

During late 1943, Montgomery continued to command the Eighth Army during the landings on the mainland of Italy itself, beginning with Operation Baytown.[93] In conjunction with the Anglo-American landings at Salerno (near Naples) by Lieutenant General Mark Clark‘s US Fifth Army and seaborne landings by British paratroops in the heel of Italy (including the key port of Taranto, where they disembarked without resistance directly into the port), Montgomery led the Eighth Army up the toe of Italy.[93] Montgomery abhorred what he considered to be a lack of coordination, a dispersion of effort, a strategic muddle and a lack of opportunism in the Allied effort in Italy, and he said that he was glad to leave the “dog’s breakfast” on 23 December 1943.[89]

Normandy

See also: Invasion of Normandy

Wartime photograph of General Sir Bernard Montgomery with his Miles Messenger aircraft (location and date unknown)

Montgomery with officers of the First Canadian Army. From left, Major-General Vokes, General CrerarField Marshal Montgomery, Lieutenant-General HorrocksLieutenant-General Simonds, Major-General Spry, and Major-General Matthews.

Montgomery returned to Britain in January 1944.[94] He was assigned to command the 21st Army Group consisting of all Allied ground forces participating in Operation Overlord, codename for the Allied invasion of Normandy. Overall direction was assigned to the Supreme Allied Commander of the Allied Expeditionary Forces, American General Dwight D. Eisenhower.[93] Both Churchill and Eisenhower had found Montgomery difficult to work with in the past and wanted the position to go to the more affable General Sir Harold Alexander.[95] However Montgomery’s patron, General Sir Alan Brooke, firmly argued that Montgomery was a much superior general to Alexander and ensured his appointment.[95] Without Brooke’s support, Montgomery would have remained in Italy.[95] At St Paul’s School on 7 April and 15 May Montgomery presented his strategy for the invasion. He envisaged a ninety-day battle, with all forces reaching the Seine. The campaign would pivot on an Allied-held Caen in the east of the Normandy bridgehead, with relatively static British and Canadian armies forming a shoulder to attract and defeat German counter-attacks, relieving the US armies who would move and seize the Cotentin Peninsula and Brittany, wheeling south and then east on the right forming a pincer.[89]

Montgomery with officers of the First Canadian Army. From left, Major-General Vokes, General CrerarField Marshal Montgomery, Lieutenant-General HorrocksLieutenant-General Simonds, Major-General Spry, and Major-General Matthews.

General Montgomery inspects men of the 5th/7th Battalion, Gordon Highlanders of the 51st (Highland) Division, at Beaconsfield, February 1944.

The time has come to deal the enemy a terrific blow …

During the ten weeks of the Battle of Normandy, unfavourable autumnal weather conditions disrupted the Normandy landing areas.[89] Montgomery’s initial plan was for the Anglo-Canadian troops under his command to break out immediately from their beachheads on the Calvados coast towards Caen with the aim of taking the city on either D Day or two days later.[96] Montgomery attempted to take Caen with the 3rd Infantry Division, 50th (Northumbrian) Infantry Division and the 3rd Canadian Division but was stopped from 6–8 June by 21st Panzer Division and 12th SS Panzer Division Hitlerjugend, who hit the advancing Anglo-Canadian troops very hard.[97] Rommel followed up this success by ordering the 2nd Panzer Division to Caen while Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt asked for and received permission from Hitler to have the elite 1st Waffen SS Division Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler and 2nd Waffen SS Division Das Reich sent to Caen as well.[97] Montgomery thus had to face what Stephen Badsey called the “most formidable” of all the German divisions in France.[97] The 12th Waffen SS Division Hitlerjugend, as its name implies, was drawn entirely from the more fanatical elements of the Hitler Youth and commanded by the ruthless SS-Brigadeführer Kurt Meyer, aka “Panzer Meyer”.[98]

General Montgomery inspects men of the 5th/7th Battalion, Gordon Highlanders of the 51st (Highland) Division, at Beaconsfield, February 1944.

General Montgomery passes German POWs while being driven along a road in a jeep, shortly after arriving in Normandy, 8 June 1944.

General Montgomery passes German POWs while being driven along a road in a jeep, shortly after arriving in Normandy, 8 June 1944.

The failure to take Caen immediately has been the source of an immense historiographical dispute with bitter nationalist overtones.[99] Broadly, there has been a “British school” which accepts Montgomery’s post-war claim that he never intended to take Caen at once, and instead the Anglo-Canadian operations around Caen were a “holding operation” intended to attract the bulk of the German forces towards the Caen sector to allow the Americans to stage the “break out operation” on the left flank of the German positions, which was all part of Montgomery’s “Master Plan” that he had conceived long before the Normandy campaign.[99] By contrast, the “American school” argued that Montgomery’s initial “master plan” was for the 21st Army Group to take Caen at once and move his tank divisions into the plains south of Caen, to then stage a breakout that would lead the 21st Army Group into the plains of northern France and hence into Antwerp and finally the Ruhr.[100] Letters written by Eisenhower at the time of the battle make it clear that Eisenhower was expecting from Montgomery “the early capture of the important focal point of Caen”. Later, when this plan had clearly failed, Eisenhower wrote that Montgomery had “evolved” the plan to have the US forces achieve the break-out instead.[101]

General Montgomery in conversation with Major-General Douglas Graham, GOC 50th (Northumbrian) Infantry Division, pictured here in Normandy, 20 June 1944

General Montgomery in conversation with Major-General Douglas Graham, GOC 50th (Northumbrian) Infantry Division, pictured here in Normandy, 20 June 1944

As the campaign progressed, Montgomery altered his initial plan for the invasion and continued the strategy of attracting and holding German counter-attacks in the area north of Caen rather than to the south, to allow the US First Army in the west to take Cherbourg. A memo summarising Montgomery’s operations written by Eisenhower’s chief of staff, General Walter Bedell Smith who met with Montgomery in late June 1944 says nothing about Montgomery conducting a “holding operation” in the Caen sector, and instead speaks of him seeking a “breakout” into the plains south of the Seine.[102] On 12 June, Montgomery ordered the 7th Armoured Division into an attack against the Panzer Lehr Division that made good progress at first but ended when the Panzer Lehr was joined by the 2nd Panzer Division.[103] At Villers Bocage on 14 June, the British lost twenty Cromwell tanks to five Tiger tanks led by SS Obersturmführer Michael Wittmann, in about five minutes.[103] Despite the setback at Villers Bocage, Montgomery was still optimistic as the Allies were landing more troops and supplies than they were losing in battle, and though the German lines were holding, the Wehrmacht and Waffen SS were suffering considerable attrition.[104] Air Marshal Sir Arthur Tedder complained that it was impossible to move fighter squadrons to France until Montgomery had captured some airfields, something he asserted that Montgomery appeared incapable of doing.[105] The first V-1 flying bomb attacks on London, which started on 13 June, further increased the pressure on Montgomery from Whitehall to speed up his advance.[105]

The King with Lieutenant-General Miles Dempsey, GOC British Second Army, and General Montgomery, at his HQ in Creullet, 16 June 1944

The King with Lieutenant-General Miles Dempsey, GOC British Second Army, and General Montgomery, at his HQ in Creullet, 16 June 1944

On 18 June, Montgomery ordered Bradley to take Cherbourg while the British were to take Caen by 23 June.[105] In Operation Epsom, the British VII Corps commanded by Sir Richard O’Connor attempted to outflank Caen from the west by breaking through the dividing line between the Panzer Lehr and the 12th SS to take the strategic Hill 112.[106] Epsom began well with O’Connor’s assault force (the British 15th Scottish Division) breaking through and with the 11th Armoured Division stopping the counter-attacks of the 12th SS Division.[106] General Friedrich Dollmann of the 7th Army had to commit the newly arrived II SS Corps to stop the British offensive.[106] Dollmann, fearing that Epsom would be a success, committed suicide and was replaced by SS Oberstegruppenführer Paul Hausser. O’Connor, at the cost of about 4,000 men, had won a salient 5 miles (8.0 km) deep and 2 miles (3.2 km) wide but placed the Germans into an unviable long-term position.[106] There was a strong sense of crisis in the Allied command, as the Allies had advanced only about 15 miles (24 km) inland, at a time when their plans called for them to have already taken Rennes, Alençon and St. Malo.[106] After Epsom, Montgomery had to tell General Harry Crerar that the activation of the First Canadian Army would have to wait as there was only room at present, in the Caen sector, for the newly arrived XII Corps under Lieutenant-General Neil Ritchie, which caused some tension with Crerar, who was anxious to get into the field.[107] Epsom had forced further German forces into Caen but all through June and the first half of July Rommel, Rundstedt, and Hitler were engaged in planning for a great offensive to drive the British into the sea; it was never launched and would have required the commitment of a large number of German forces to the Caen sector.[108]

It was only after several failed attempts to break out in the Caen sector that Montgomery devised what he later called his “master plan” of having the 21st Army Group hold the bulk of the German forces, thus allowing the Americans to break out.[109] The Canadian historians Terry Copp and Robert Vogel wrote about the dispute between the “American school” and “British school” after having suffered several setbacks in June 1944:

Montgomery drew what was the indisputably correct conclusion from these events. If the British and Canadians could continue to hold the bulk of the German armoured divisions on their front through a series of limited attacks, they could wear down the Germans and create the conditions for an American breakout on the right. This is what Montgomery proposed in his Directive of June 30th and, if he and his admirers had let the record speak for itself, there would be little debate about his conduct of the first stages of the Normandy campaign. Instead, Montgomery insisted that this Directive was a consistent part of a master plan that he had devised long before the invasion. Curiously, this view does a great disservice to ‘Monty’ for any rigid planning of operations before the German response was known would have been bad generalship indeed!”[110]

Hampered by stormy weather and the bocage terrain, Montgomery had to ensure that Rommel focused on the British in the east rather than the Americans in the west, who had to take the Cotentin Peninsula and Brittany before the Germans could be trapped by a general swing east.[111] Montgomery told General Sir Miles Dempsey, the commander of the 2nd British Army: “Go on hitting, drawing the German strength, especially some of the armour, onto yourself – so as to ease the way for Brad [Bradley].”[112] The Germans had deployed 12 divisions, of which six were Panzer divisions, against the British while deploying eight divisions, of which three were Panzer divisions, against the Americans.[112] By the middle of July Caen had not been taken, as Rommel continued to prioritise prevention of the break-out by British forces rather than the western territories being taken by the Americans.[113] This was broadly as Montgomery had planned, albeit not with the same speed as he outlined at St Paul’s, although as the American historian Carlo D’Este pointed out the actual situation in Normandy was “vastly different” from what was envisioned at the St. Paul’s conference, as only one of four goals outlined in May had been achieved by 10 July.[114]

Prime Minister Churchill with General Montgomery at the latter’s HQ in Normandy, July 1944

Prime Minister Churchill with General Montgomery at the latter’s HQ in Normandy, July 1944

On 7 July, Montgomery began Operation Charnwood with a carpet bombing offensive that turned much of the French countryside and the city of Caen into a wasteland.[115] The British and Canadians succeeded in advancing into northern Caen before the Germans, who used the ruins to their advantage and stopped the offensive.[116] On 10 July, Montgomery ordered Bradley to take Avranches, after which the 3rd US Army would be activated to drive towards Le Mans and Alençon.[117] On 14 July 1944, Montgomery wrote to his patron Brooke, saying he had chosen on a “real show down on the eastern flanks, and to loose a Corps of three armoured divisions in the open country about the Caen-Falaise road … The possibilities are immense; with seven hundred tanks loosed to the South-east of Caen, and the armoured cars operating far ahead, anything can happen.”[118] 

The French Resistance was a collection of organisations who fought the Nazi occupation of France

The French Resistance had launched Plan Violet in June 1944 to systematically destroy the telephone system of France, which forced the Germans to use their radios more and more to communicate, and as the code-breakers of Bletchley Park had broken many of the German codes, Montgomery had—via Ultra intelligence—a good idea of the German situation.[119] Montgomery thus knew German Army Group B had lost 96,400 men while receiving 5,200 replacements and the Panzer Lehr Division now based at St. Lô was down to only 40 tanks.[117] Montgomery later wrote that he knew he had the Normandy campaign won at this point as the Germans had almost no reserves while he had three armoured divisions in reserve.[120]

An American break-out was achieved with Operation Cobra and the encirclement of German forces in the Falaise pocket at the cost of British losses with the diversionary Operation Goodwood. On the early morning of 18 July 1944, Operation Goodwood began with British heavy bombers beginning carpet bombing attacks that further devastated what was left of Caen and the surrounding countryside.

Operation Goodwood was a British offensive during the Second World War, which took place between 18 and 20 July 1944

 A British tank crewman from the Guards Armoured Division later recalled: “At 0500 hours a distant thunder in the air brought all the sleepy-eyed tank crews out of their blankets. 1,000 Lancasters were flying from the sea in groups of three or four at 3,000 feet (910 m). Ahead of them the pathfinders were scattering their flares and before long the first bombs were dropping”.[123] A German tankman from the 21st Panzer Division at the receiving end of this bombardment remembered: “We saw little dots detach themselves from the planes, so many of them that the crazy thought occurred to us: are those leaflets? … Among the thunder of the explosions, we could hear the wounded scream and the insane howling of men who had [been] driven mad”.[124] The British bombing had badly smashed the German front-line units; e.g., tanks were thrown up on the roofs of French farmhouses. Initially, the three British armoured divisions assigned to lead the offensive, the 7th, 11th and the Guards, made rapid progress and were soon approaching the Borguebus ridge, which dominated the landscape south of Caen, by noon.[125]

General Montgomery stops his car to chat with troops during a tour of I Corps area near Caen, 11 July 1944.

General Montgomery stops his car to chat with troops during a tour of I Corps area near Caen, 11 July 1944.

If the British could take the Borguebus Ridge, the way to the plains of northern France would be wide open, and potentially Paris could be taken, which explains the ferocity with which the Germans defended the ridge. One German officer, Lieutenant Baron von Rosen, recalled that to motivate a Luftwaffe officer commanding a battery of four 88 mm guns to fight against the British tanks, he had to hold his handgun to the officer’s head “and asked him whether he would like to be killed immediately or get a high decoration. He decided for the latter”.[126] The well dug-in 88 mm guns around the Borguebus Ridge began taking a toll on the British Sherman tanks, and the countryside was soon dotted with dozens of burning Shermans.[127] One British officer reported with worry: “I see palls of smoke and tanks brewing up with flames belching forth from their turrets. I see men climbing out, on fire like torches, rolling on the ground to try and douse the flames”.[127] Despite Montgomery’s orders to try to press on, fierce German counter-attacks stopped the British offensive.[127]

The objectives of Operation Goodwood were all achieved except the complete capture of the Bourgebus Ridge, which was only partially taken. The operation was a strategic Allied success in drawing in the last German reserves in Normandy towards the Caen sector away from the American sector, greatly assisting the American breakout in Operation Cobra. By the end of Goodwood on 25 July 1944, the Canadians had finally taken Caen while the British tanks had reached the plains south of Caen, giving Montgomery the “hinge” he had been seeking, while forcing the Germans to commit the last of their reserves to stop the Anglo-Canadian offensive.[128] Ultra decrypts indicated that the Germans now facing Bradley were seriously understrength, with Operation Cobra about to commence.[129] During Operation Goodwood, the British had 400 tanks knocked out, with many recovered returning to service. The casualties were 5,500 with 7 miles (11 km) of ground gained.[128] Bradley recognised Montgomery’s plan to pin down German armour and allow US forces to break out:

The British and Canadian armies were to decoy the enemy reserves and draw them to their front on the extreme eastern edge of the Allied beachhead. Thus, while Monty taunted the enemy at Caen, we [the Americans] were to make our break on the long roundabout road to Paris. When reckoned in terms of national pride, this British decoy mission became a sacrificial one, for while we tramped around the outside flank, the British were to sit in place and pin down the Germans. Yet strategically it fitted into a logical division of labors, for it was towards Caen that the enemy reserves would race once the alarm was sounded.[130]

The long-running dispute over what Montgomery’s “master plan” in Normandy led historians to differ greatly about the purpose of Goodwood. The British journalist Mark Urban wrote that the purpose of Goodwood was to draw German troops to their left flank to allow the Americans to break out on the right flank, arguing that Montgomery had to lie to his soldiers about the purpose of Goodwood, as the average British soldier would not have understood why they were being asked to create a diversion to allow the Americans to have the glory of staging the breakout with Operation Cobra.[128] By contrast, the American historian Stephen Power argued that Goodwood was intended to be the “breakout” offensive and not a “holding operation”, writing: “It is unrealistic to assert that an operation which called for the use of 4,500 Allied aircraft, 700 artillery pieces and over 8,000 armored vehicles and trucks and that cost the British over 5,500 casualties was conceived and executed for so limited an objective”.[131] Power noted that Goodwood and Cobra were supposed to take effect on the same day, 18 July 1944, but Cobra was cancelled owing to heavy rain in the American sector, and argued that both operations were meant to be breakout operations to trap the German armies in Normandy. American military writer Drew Middleton wrote that there is no doubt that Montgomery wanted Goodwood to provide a “shield” for Bradley, but at the same time Montgomery was clearly hoping for more than merely diverting German attention away from the American sector.[132][133] British historian John Keegan pointed out that Montgomery made differing statements before Goodwood about the purpose of the operation.[134] Keegan wrote that Montgomery engaged in what he called a “hedging of his bets” when drafting his plans for Goodwood, with a plan for a “break out if the front collapsed, if not, sound documentary evidence that all he had intended in the first place was a battle of attrition”.[135] Again Bradley confirmed Montgomery’s plan and that the capture of Caen was only incidental to his mission, not critical. The American LIFE magazine quoted Bradley in 1951:

While Collins was hoisting his VII Corps flag over Cherbourg, Montgomery was spending his reputation in a bitter siege against the old university city of Caen. For three weeks he had rammed his troops against those panzer divisions he had deliberately drawn towards that city as part of our Allied strategy of diversion in the Normandy Campaign. Although Caen contained an important road junction that Montgomery would eventually need, for the moment the capture of that city was only incidental to his mission. For Monty’s primary task was to attract German troops to the British front that we might more easily secure Cherbourg and get into position for the breakout. While this diversion of Monty’s was brilliantly achieved, he nevertheless left himself open to criticism by overemphasizing the importance of his thrust toward Caen. Had he limited himself simply to the containment without making Caen a symbol of it, he would have been credited with success instead of being charged, as he was, with failure.[136]

With Goodwood drawing the Wehrmacht towards the British sector, the First American Army enjoyed a two-to-one numerical superiority. General Omar Bradley accepted Montgomery’s advice to begin the offensive by concentrating at one point instead of a “broad front” as Eisenhower would have preferred.[137]

Operation Goodwood almost cost Montgomery his job, as Eisenhower seriously considered sacking him and only chose not to do so because to sack the popular “Monty” would have caused such a political backlash in Britain against the Americans at a critical moment in the war that the resulting strains in the Atlantic alliance were not considered worth it.[138] Montgomery expressed his satisfaction at the results of Goodwood when calling the operation off. Eisenhower was under the impression that Goodwood was to be a break-out operation. Either there was a miscommunication between the two men or Eisenhower did not understand the strategy. Alan Brooke, chief of the British Imperial General Staff, wrote: “Ike knows nothing about strategy and is quite unsuited to the post of Supreme Commander. It is no wonder that Monty’s real high ability is not always realised”.[139] Bradley fully understood Montgomery’s intentions. Both men would not give away to the press the true intentions of their strategy.[140]

General Montgomery with Lieutenant Generals George S. Patton (left) and Omar Bradley (centre) at 21st Army Group HQ, 7 July 1944

General Montgomery with Lieutenant Generals George S. Patton (left) and Omar Bradley (centre) at 21st Army Group HQ, 7 July 1944

Many American officers had found Montgomery a difficult man to work with, and after Goodwood, pressured Eisenhower to fire Montgomery.[128] Although the Eisenhower–Montgomery dispute is sometimes depicted in nationalist terms as being an Anglo-American struggle, it was the British Air Marshal Arthur Tedder who was pressing Eisenhower most strongly after Goodwood to fire Montgomery.[141] An American officer wrote in his diary that Tedder had come to see Eisenhower to “pursue his current favourite subject, the sacking of Monty”.[142] With Tedder leading the “sack Monty” campaign, it encouraged Montgomery’s American enemies to press Eisenhower to fire Montgomery.[142] Brooke was sufficiently worried about the “sack Monty” campaign to visit Montgomery at his Tactical Headquarters (TAC) in France and as he wrote in his diary; “warned [Montgomery] of a tendency in the PM [Churchill] to listen to suggestions that Monty played for safety and was not prepared to take risks”.[128] Brooke advised Montgomery to invite Churchill to Normandy, arguing that if the “sack Monty” campaign had won the Prime Minister over, then his career would be over, as having Churchill’s backing would give Eisenhower the political “cover” to fire Montgomery.[142] On 20 July, Montgomery met Eisenhower and on 21 July, Churchill, at the TAC in France.[142] One of Montgomery’s staff officers wrote afterwards that it was “common knowledge at Tac that Churchill had come to sack Monty”.[142] No notes were taken at the Eisenhower–Montgomery and Churchill–Montgomery meetings, but Montgomery was able to persuade both men not to fire him.[137]

George Smith Patton Jr. was a general in the United States Army who commanded the Seventh United States Army

With the success of Cobra, which was soon followed by unleashing the 3rd American Army under the General George S. Patton, Eisenhower wrote to Montgomery: “Am delighted that your basic plan has begun brilliantly to unfold with Bradley’s initial success”.[143] The success of Cobra was aided by Operation Spring when the II Canadian Corps under General Guy Simonds (the only Canadian general whose skill Montgomery respected) began an offensive south of Caen that made little headway, but which the Germans regarded as the main offensive.[144] Once the 3rd American Army arrived, Bradley was promoted to take command of the newly created 12th Army Group consisting of 1st and 3rd American Armies. Following the American breakout, there followed the Battle of Falaise Gap, as the British, Canadian and Polish soldiers of 21st Army Group commanded by Montgomery advanced south, while the American and French soldiers of Bradley’s 12th Army Group advanced north to encircle the German Army Group B at Falaise, as Montgomery waged what Urban called “a huge battle of annihilation” in August 1944.[143] Montgomery began his offensive into the Suisse Normande region with Operation Bluecoat with Sir Richard O’Connor‘s VIII Corps and Gerard Bucknall‘s XXX Corps heading south.[145] A dissatisfied Montgomery sacked Bucknall for being insufficiently aggressive and replaced him with General Brian Horrocks.[145] At the same time, Montgomery ordered Patton—whose Third Army was supposed to advance into Brittany—to instead capture Nantes, which was soon taken.[145]

Operation Bluecoat was a British offensive in the Battle of Normandy, from 30 July until 7 August 1944, during the Second World War. 

Hitler waited too long to order his soldiers to retreat from Normandy, leading Montgomery to write: “He [Hitler] refused to face the only sound military course. As a result the Allies caused the enemy staggering losses in men and materials”.[143] Knowing via Ultra that Hitler was not planning to retreat from Normandy, Montgomery, on 6 August 1944, ordered an envelopment operation against Army Group B—with the First Canadian Army under Harry Crerar to advance towards Falaise, the Second British Army under Miles Dempsey to advance towards Argentan, and the Third American Army under George S. Patton to advance to Alençon.[146] On 11 August, Montgomery changed his plan, with the Canadians to take Falaise and to meet the Americans at Argentan.[146] The First Canadian Army launched two operations, Operation Totalize on 7 August, which advanced only 9 miles (14 km) in four days in the face of fierce German resistance, and Operation Tractable on 14 August, which finally took Falaise on 17 August.[147] In view of the slow Canadian advance, Patton requested permission to take Falaise, but was refused by Bradley on 13 August, which prompted much controversy, many historians arguing that Bradley lacked aggression and that Montgomery should have overruled Bradley.[148]

The so-called Falaise Gap was closed on 22 August 1944, but several American generals, most notably Patton, accused Montgomery of being insufficiently aggressive in closing it. About 60,000 German soldiers were trapped in Normandy, but before 22 August, about 20,000 Germans had escaped through the Falaise Gap.[143] About 10,000 Germans had been killed in the Battle of the Falaise Gap, which led a stunned Eisenhower, who viewed the battlefield on 24 August, to comment with horror that it was impossible to walk without stepping on corpses.[149] The successful conclusion of the Normandy campaign saw the beginning of the debate between the “American school” and “British school” as both American and British generals started to advance claims about who was most responsible for this victory.[143] Brooke wrote in defence of his protégé Montgomery: “Ike knows nothing about strategy and is ‘quite’ unsuited to the post of Supreme Commander. It is no wonder that Monty’s real high ability is not always realised. Especially so when ‘national’ spectacles pervert the perspective of the strategic landscape”.[150] About Montgomery’s conduct of the Normandy campaign, Badsey wrote:

Too much discussion on Normandy has centered on the controversial decisions of the Allied commanders. It was not good enough, apparently, to win such a complete and spectacular victory over an enemy that had conquered most of Europe unless it was done perfectly. Most of the blame for this lies with Montgomery, who was foolish enough to insist that it had been done perfectly, that Normandy – and all his other battles – had been fought accordingly to a precise master plan drawn up beforehand, from which he never deviated. It says much for his personality that Montgomery found others to agree with him, despite overwhelming evidence to the contrary. His handling of the Battle of Normandy was of a very high order, and as the person who would certainly have been blamed for losing the battle, he deserves the credit for winning it.[151]

Replaced as Ground Forces Commander

General Eisenhower took over Ground Forces Command on 1 September, while continuing as Supreme Commander, with Montgomery continuing to command the 21st Army Group, now consisting mainly of British and Canadian units. Montgomery bitterly resented this change, although it had been agreed before the D-Day invasion.[152] The British journalist Mark Urban writes that Montgomery seemed unable to grasp that as the majority of the 2.2 million Allied soldiers fighting against Germany on the Western Front were now American (the ratio was 3:1) that it was politically unacceptable to American public opinion to have Montgomery remain as Land Forces Commander as: “Politics would not allow him to carry on giving orders to great armies of Americans simply because, in his view, he was better than their generals.”[153]

Winston Churchill had Montgomery promoted to field marshal[154] by way of compensation.[152]

Field Marshal (FM) has been the highest rank in the British Army since 1736. A five-star rank with NATO code OF-10, it is equivalent to an Admiral of the Fleet in the Royal Navy or a Marshal of the Royal Air Force in the Royal Air Force (RAF). A Field Marshal’s insignia consists of two crossed batons surrounded by yellow leaves below St Edward’s Crown. Like Marshals of the RAF and Admirals of the Fleet, Field Marshals traditionally remain officers for life, though on half-pay when not in an appointment. The rank has been used sporadically throughout its history and was vacant during parts of the 18th and 19th centuries. After the Second World War, it became standard practice to appoint the Chief of the Imperial General Staff to the rank on his last day in the post. Army officers occupying the post of Chief of the Defence Staff, the professional head of all the British Armed Forces, were usually promoted to the rank upon their appointment.

Advance to the Rhine

By September, ports like Cherbourg were too far away from the front line, causing the Allies great logistical problems. Antwerp was the third largest port in Europe. It was a deep water inland port connected to the North Sea via the river Scheldt. The Scheldt was wide enough and dredged deep enough to allow the passage of ocean-going ships.[155]

On 3 September 1944 Hitler ordered the 15th German Army, which had been stationed in the Pas de Calais region and was withdrawing north into the Low Countries, to hold the mouth of the river Scheldt to deprive the Allies of the use of Antwerp.[156] Field Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt, the German commander of the Western Front, ordered General Gustav-Adolf von Zangen, the commander of 15th Army, that: “The attempt of the enemy to occupy the West Scheldt in order to obtain the free use of the harbor of Antwerp must be resisted to the utmost” (emphasis in the original).[157] Rundstedt argued with Hitler that as long as the Allies could not use the port of Antwerp, the Allies would lack the logistical capacity for an invasion of Germany.[157]

The Witte Brigade (White Brigade) of the Belgian resistance had captured the Port of Antwerp before the Germans could destroy key port facilities,[158] and on 4 September, Antwerp was captured by Horrocks with its harbour mostly intact.[159] The British declined to immediately advance over the Albert Canal, and an opportunity to destroy the German 15th Army was lost.[158] The Germans had mined the river Scheldt, the mouth of the Scheldt was still in German hands making it impossible for the Royal Navy to clear the mines in the river, and therefore the port of Antwerp was still useless to the Allies.[160]

On 5 September, SHAEF’s naval commander, Admiral Sir Bertram Ramsay, had urged Montgomery to make clearing the mouth of the Scheldt his number-one priority. Alone among the senior commanders, only Ramsay saw opening Antwerp as crucial.[161] Thanks to ULTRA, Montgomery was aware of Hitler’s order by 5 September.[156]

On 9 September, Montgomery wrote to Brooke that “one good Pas de Calais port” would be sufficient to meet all the logistical needs of the 21st Army Group, but only the supply needs of the same formation.[162] At the same time, Montgomery noted that “one good Pas de Calais port” would be insufficient for the American armies in France, which would thus force Eisenhower, if for no other reasons than logistics, to favour Montgomery’s plans for an invasion of northern Germany by the 21st Army Group, whereas if Antwerp were opened up, then all of the Allied armies could be supplied.[163]

The importance of ports closer to Germany was highlighted with the liberation of the city of Le Havre, which was assigned to John Crocker‘s I Corps.[162] To take Le Havre, two infantry divisions, two tank brigades, most of the artillery of the Second British Army, the specialized armoured “gadgets” of Percy Hobart‘s 79th Armoured Division, the battleship HMS Warspite and the monitor HMS Erebus were all committed.[162] On 10 September 1944, Bomber Command dropped 4,719 tons of bombs on Le Havre, which was the prelude to Operation Astonia, the assault on Le Havre by Crocker’s men, which was taken two days later.[162] The Canadian historian Terry Copp wrote that the commitment of this much firepower and men to take only one French city might “seem excessive”, but by this point, the Allies desperately needed ports closer to the front line to sustain their advance.[162]

In September 1944, Montgomery ordered Crerar and his First Canadian Army to take the French ports on the English Channel, namely Calais, Boulogne and Dunkirk,[162] and to clear the Scheldt, a task that Crerar stated was impossible as he lacked enough troops to perform both operations at once.[164] Montgomery refused Crerar’s request to have British XII Corps under Neil Ritchie assigned to help clear the Scheldt as Montgomery stated he needed XII Corps for Operation Market Garden.[165] On 6 September 1944, Montgomery told Crerar that “I want Boulogne badly” and that city should be taken no matter what the cost.[162] On 22 September 1944, General Guy Simonds‘s II Canadian Corps took Boulogne, followed up by taking Calais on 1 October 1944.[166] Montgomery was highly impatient with Simonds, complaining that it had taken Crocker’s I Corps only two days to take Le Havre while it took Simonds two weeks to take Boulogne and Calais, but Simonds noted that at Le Havre, three divisions and two brigades had been employed, whereas at both Boulogne and Calais, only two brigades were sent in to take both cities.[167] After an attempt to storm the Leopold Canal by the 4th Canadian Division had been badly smashed by the German defenders, Simonds ordered a stop to further attempts to clear the river Scheldt until his mission of capturing the French ports on the English Channel had been accomplished; this allowed the German 15th Army ample time to dig into its new home on the Scheldt.[168] The only port that was not captured by the Canadians was Dunkirk, as Montgomery ordered the 2nd Canadian Division on 15 September to hold his flank at Antwerp as a prelude for an advance up the Scheldt.[155]

Holland, 13 October 1944: Montgomery outlines his future strategy to King George VI in his mobile headquarters.

Holland, 13 October 1944: Montgomery outlines his future strategy to King George VI in his mobile headquarters.

Montgomery pulled away from the First Canadian Army (temporarily commanded now by Simonds as Crerar was ill), the British 51st Highland Division, 1st Polish Division, British 49th (West Riding) Division and 2nd Canadian Armoured Brigade, and sent all of these formations to help the 2nd British Army to expand the Market Garden salient with Operations Constellation, Aintree, and towards the end of October Pheasant.[169] However, Simonds seems to have regarded the Scheldt campaign as a test of his ability, and he felt he could clear the Scheldt with only three Canadian divisions, namely the 2nd, the 3rd, and the 4th, despite having to take on the entire 15th Army, which held strongly fortified positions in a landscape that favoured the defence.[170] Simonds never complained about the lack of air support (made worse by the cloudy October weather), shortages of ammunition or having insufficient troops, regarding these problems as challenges for him to overcome, rather than a cause for complaint.[170] As it was, Simonds made only slow progress in October 1944 during the fighting in the Battle of the Scheldt, although he was praised by Copp for imaginative and aggressive leadership who managed to achieve much, despite all of the odds against him.[171] Montgomery had little respect for the Canadian generals, whom he dismissed as mediocre, with the exception of Simonds, whom he consistently praised as Canada’s only “first-rate” general in the entire war.[162]

THE POLISH ARMY IN THE NORTH-WEST EUROPE CAMPAIGN, 1944-1945 (B 12101) Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery in conversation with General Stanislaw Maczek, the Commander of the 1st Polish Armoured Division, during his visit to the Division Headquarters in Breda, 25 November 1944. Marshal Montgomery decorated a number od Polish servicemen during his visit..Note a censor’s marks obscuring the background. Copyright: © IWM. Original Source: http://www.iwm.org.uk/collections/item/object/205239764

British Field Marshal Sir Bernard Montgomery in conversation with Major General Stanisław Maczek during his visit to the 1st Polish Armoured Division Headquarters in Breda, 25 November 1944.

Admiral Ramsay, who proved to be a far more articulate and forceful champion of the Canadians than their own generals, starting on 9 October demanded of Eisenhower in a meeting that he either order Montgomery to make supporting the First Canadian Army in the Scheldt fighting his number one priority or sack him.[172] Ramsay in very strong language argued to Eisenhower that the Allies could only invade Germany if Antwerp was opened, and that as long as the three Canadian divisions fighting in the Scheldt had shortages of ammunition and artillery shells because Montgomery made the Arnhem salient his first priority, then Antwerp would not be opened anytime soon.[172] Even Brooke wrote in his diary: “I feel that Monty’s strategy for once is at fault. Instead of carrying out the advance to Arnhem he ought to have made certain of Antwerp”.[172] On 9 October 1944, at Ramsay’s urging, Eisenhower sent Montgomery a cable that emphasized the “supreme importance of Antwerp”, that “the Canadian Army will not, repeat not, be able to attack until November unless immediately supplied with adequate ammunition”, and warned that the Allied advance into Germany would totally stop by mid-November unless Antwerp was opened by October.[172] Montgomery replied by accusing Ramsay of making “wild statements” unsupported by the facts, denying the Canadians were having to ration ammunition, and claimed that he would soon take the Ruhr thereby making the Scheldt campaign a sideshow.[172] Montgomery further issued a memo entitled “Notes on Command in Western Europe” demanding that he once again be made Land Forces Commander. This led to an exasperated Eisenhower telling Montgomery that the question was not the command arrangement but rather his (Montgomery’s) ability and willingness to obey orders. Eisenhower further told Montgomery to either obey orders to immediately clear the mouth of the Scheldt or he would be sacked.[173]

A chastised Montgomery told Eisenhower on 15 October 1944 that he was now making clearing the Scheldt his “top priority”, and the ammunition shortages in the First Canadian Army, a problem which he denied even existed five days earlier, were now over as supplying the Canadians was henceforth his first concern.[173] Simonds, now reinforced with British troops and Royal Marines, cleared the Scheldt by taking Walcheren island, the last of the German “fortresses” on the Scheldt, on 8 November 1944.[174] With the Scheldt in Allied hands, Royal Navy minesweepers removed the German mines in the river, and Antwerp was finally opened to shipping on 28 November 1944.[174] Reflecting Antwerp’s importance, the Germans spent the winter of 1944–45 firing V-1 flying bombs and V-2 rockets at it in an attempt to shut down the port, and the German offensive in December 1944 in the Ardennes had as its ultimate objective the capture of Antwerp.[174] Urban wrote that Montgomery’s most “serious failure” in the entire war was not the well publicised Battle of Arnhem, but rather his lack of interest in opening up Antwerp, as without it the entire Allied advance from the North Sea to the Swiss Alps stalled in the autumn of 1944 for logistical reasons.[175]

Operation Market Garden

Montgomery was able to persuade Eisenhower to allow him to test his strategy of a single thrust to the Ruhr with Operation Market Garden in September 1944. The offensive was strategically bold.[176] Following the Allied breakout from Normandy, the Supreme Allied Commander of the Allied armies on the Western Front, General Dwight D. Eisenhower, favored pursuing the German armies northwards and eastwards to the Rhine on a broad front. Eisenhower relied on speed, which in turn depended on logistics, which were “stretched to the limit”.[177] This strategy was contested by his subordinates, particularly Montgomery, who argued that with the supply situation deteriorating, he would not be able to reach the Ruhr, but “a relocation of our present resources of every description would be adequate to get one thrust to Berlin”.[178] Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF) did provide Montgomery with additional resources, principally additional locomotives and rolling stock, and priority for air supply.[179] Montgomery flew to Brussels to meet Eisenhower, argued for a concentrated northern thrust, and demanding priority in supplies. Eisenhower stated his belief that advance on a broad front would soon provoke German forces to collapse. Nevertheless, Eisenhower consented to Operation Market Garden, giving it “limited priority” in terms of supplies – and only as part of an advance on a broad front.[180] Eisenhower’s decision to launch Market Garden was influenced by his desire to keep the retreating Germans under pressure, and by the pressure from the United States to use the First Allied Airborne Army as soon as possible.[181]

Montgomery’s plan for Operation Market Garden (17–25 September 1944) was to outflank the Siegfried Line and cross the Rhine, setting the stage for later offensives into the Ruhr region. The 21st Army Group would attack north from Belgium, 60 miles (97 km) through the Netherlands, across the Rhine and consolidate north of Arnhem on the far side of the Rhine. The risky plan required three Airborne Divisions to capture numerous intact bridges along a single-lane road, on which an entire Corps had to attack and use as its main supply route. The offensive failed to achieve its objectives.[182]

Both Churchill and Montgomery claimed that the operation was nearly or 90% successful, although in Montgomery’s equivocal acceptance of responsibility he blames lack of support, and also refers to the Battle of the Scheldt which was undertaken by Canadian troops not involved in Market Garden. Montgomery later said:

It was a bad mistake on my part – I underestimated the difficulties of opening up the approaches to Antwerp … I reckoned the Canadian Army could do it while we were going for the Ruhr. I was wrong … In my – prejudiced – view, if the operation had been properly backed from its inception, and given the aircraft, ground forces, and administrative resources necessary for the job, it would have succeeded in spite of my mistakes, or the adverse weather, or the presence of the 2nd SS Panzer Corps in the Arnhem area. I remain Market Garden’s unrepentant advocate.[183]

In the aftermath of Market Garden, Montgomery made holding the Arnhem salient his first priority, arguing that the 2nd British Army might still be able to break through and reach the wide open plains of northern Germany, and that he might be able to take the Ruhr by the end of October.[184] The Germans under Model in early October attempted to retake the Nijmegen salient but were beaten back. In the meantime, the First Canadian Army finally achieved the task of clearing the mouth of the river Scheldt, despite the fact that in the words of Copp and Vogel “… that Montgomery’s Directive required the Canadians to continue to fight alone for almost two weeks in a battle which everyone agreed could only be won with the aid of additional divisions”.[185]

The Battle of the Nijmegen salient or the Defence of the Nijmegen bridgehead was a series of engagements that took place in the Netherlands during World War II between 30 September and 8 October 1944.

Battle of the Bulge

On 16 December 1944, at the start of the Battle of the Bulge, Montgomery’s 21st Army Group was on the northern flank of the allied lines. Omar Bradley‘s US 12th Army Group was to Montgomery’s south, with William Simpson‘s US Ninth Army adjacent to 21st Army Group, Courtney Hodges‘ US First Army, holding the Ardennes and George S. Patton‘s US Third Army further south.[186]

Field Marshal Sir Bernard Montgomery talking with Lieutenant General Simpson, GOC U.S. Ninth Army and Major General John Anderson, GOC U.S. XVI Corps. Behind are General Bradley and Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke.

Field Marshal Sir Bernard Montgomery talking with Lieut General Simpson, GOC U.S. Ninth Army and Major General John Anderson, GOC U.S. 16th Corps. Behind are General Bradley and Field Marshal Sir Alan Brooke.

SHAEF believed the Wehrmacht was no longer capable of launching a major offensive, and that no offensive could be launched through such rugged terrain as the Ardennes Forest. Because of this, the area was held by refitting and newly arrived American formations.[186] The Wehrmacht planned to exploit this by making a surprise attack through the Ardennes Forest whilst bad weather grounded Allied air power, splitting the Allied Armies in two. They would then turn north to recapture the port of Antwerp.[187] If the attack were to succeed in capturing Antwerp, the whole of 21st Army Group, along with US Ninth Army and most of US First Army would be trapped without supplies behind German lines.[188]

The attack initially advanced rapidly, splitting US 12th Army Group in two, with all of US Ninth Army and the bulk of US First Army on the northern shoulder of the German ‘bulge’. The 12th Army Group commander, Bradley, was located in Luxembourg, south of the bulge, making command of the US forces north of the bulge problematic. As Montgomery was the nearest army group commander on the ground, on 20 December, Dwight D. Eisenhower temporarily transferred command of US Ninth Army and US First Army to Montgomery’s 21st Army Group. Bradley made vehement objections to this transfer on nationalistic grounds but was overruled by Eisenhower.[nb 1]

With the British and American forces under Montgomery’s command holding the northern flank of the German assault, General Patton’s Third Army, which was 90 miles (140 km) to the south, turned north and fought its way through the severe weather and German opposition to relieve the besieged American forces in Bastogne. Four days after Montgomery took command of the northern flank, the bad weather cleared and the USAAF and RAF[189] resumed operations, inflicting heavy casualties on German troops and vehicles. Six days after Montgomery took command of the northern flank, General Patton’s 3rd Army relieved the besieged American forces in Bastogne. Unable to advance further, and running out of petrol, the Wehrmacht abandoned the offensive.[186][190]

Morelock states that Montgomery was preoccupied with leading a “single thrust offensive” to Berlin as the overall commander of Allied ground forces, and that he accordingly treated the Ardennes counteroffensive “as a sideshow, to be finished with the least possible effort and expenditure of resources.”[191]

Montgomery subsequently wrote of his actions:

The first thing to do was to see the battle on the northern flank as one whole, to ensure the vital areas were held securely, and to create reserves for counter-attack. I embarked on these measures: I put British troops under command of the Ninth Army to fight alongside American soldiers, and made that Army take over some of the First Army Front. I positioned British troops as reserves behind the First and Ninth Armies until such time as American reserves could be created.[192]

Freiherr Hasso Eccard von Manteuffel was a German baron born to the Prussian noble von Manteuffel family and was a general during World War II who commanded the 5th Panzer Army.

After the war Hasso von Manteuffel, who commanded the 5th Panzer Army in the Ardennes, was imprisoned awaiting trial for war crimes. During this period he was interviewed by B. H. Liddell Hart, a British author who has since been accused of putting words in the mouths of German generals, and attempting to “rewrite the historical record”.[193][194][195][196] After conducting several interviews via an interpreter, Liddell Hart in a subsequent book attributed to Manteuffel the following statement about Montgomery’s contribution to the battle in the Ardennes:

The Ludendorff Bridge was in early March 1945 
The Battle of Remagen was a battle of the Allied invasion of Germany in World War II. The 18-day battle from 7 to 25 March 1945 

The operations of the American 1st Army had developed into a series of individual holding actions. Montgomery’s contribution to restoring the situation was that he turned a series of isolated actions into a coherent battle fought according to a clear and definite plan. It was his refusal to engage in premature and piecemeal counter-attacks which enabled the Americans to gather their reserves and frustrate the German attempts to extend their breakthrough.[197]

However, American historian Stephen Ambrose, writing in 1997, maintained that “Putting Monty in command of the northern flank had no effect on the battle”.[198] Ambrose wrote that: “Far from directing the victory, Montgomery had gotten in everyone’s way, and had botched the counter-attack.”[199] General Omar Bradley blamed Montgomery’s “stagnating conservatism” for his failure to counter-attack when ordered to do so by Eisenhower.[200]

Command of the US First Army reverted to the US 12th Army Group on 17 January 1945,[201] whilst command of the US Ninth Army remained with 21st Army Group for the coming operations to cross the Rhine.[202]

Crossing the Rhine

Montgomery (left), Air Marshal Sir Arthur Coningham (centre) and the Commander of the British Second Army, Lieutenant-General Sir Miles Dempsey, talking after a conference in which Montgomery gave the order for the Second Army to begin Operation Plunder.

Montgomery (left), Air Marshal Sir Arthur Coningham (centre) and the Commander of the British Second Army, Lieutenant-General Sir Miles Dempsey, talking after a conference in which Montgomery gave the order for the Second Army to begin Operation Plunder.

Montgomery was awarded the Order of Victory on 5 June 1945. Dwight EisenhowerGeorgy Zhukov and Sir Arthur Tedder were also present.

Montgomery was awarded the Order of Victory on 5 June 1945. Dwight EisenhowerGeorgy Zhukov and Sir Arthur Tedder were also present.

In February 1945, Montgomery’s 21st Army Group advanced to the Rhine in operations Veritable and Grenade. It crossed the Rhine on 24 March 1945, in Operation Plunder, which took place two weeks after the First United States Army had crossed the Rhine after capturing the Ludendorff Bridge during the Battle of Remagen.[203]

21st Army Group’s river crossing was followed by the encirclement of the Ruhr Pocket. During this battle, US Ninth Army, which had remained part of 21st Army Group after the Battle of the Bulge, formed the northern arm of the envelopment of German Army Group B, with US First Army forming the southern arm. The two armies linked up on 1 April 1945, encircling 370,000 German troops, and on 4 April 1945, US Ninth Army reverted to Omar Bradley’s 12th Army Group.[204]

By the war’s end, the remaining formations of 21st Army group, First Canadian Army and British Second Army, had liberated the northern part of the Netherlands and captured much of north-west Germany, occupied Hamburg and Rostock and sealed off the Danish peninsula.[205]

On 4 May 1945, on Lüneburg Heath, Montgomery accepted the surrender of German forces in north-west Germany, Denmark and the Netherlands.[206]

Casualty conservation policy

The British high command were not only concerned with winning the war and defeating Germany, but also with ensuring that it retained sufficient influence in the post-war world to govern global policy. Suffering heavy losses in Normandy would diminish British leadership and prestige within its empire and on post-war Europe in particular.[207] Many of Montgomery’s clashes with Eisenhower were based on his determination to pursue the war “on lines most suitable to Britain”.[208]

The fewer the number of combat-experienced divisions the British had left at the end of the war, the smaller Britain’s influence in Europe was likely to be, compared to the emerging superpowers of the US and the USSR. Montgomery was thus caught in a dilemma – the British Army needed to be seen to be pulling at least half the weight in the liberation of Europe, but without incurring the heavy casualties that such a role would inevitably produce. The 21st Army Group scarcely possessed sufficient forces to achieve such a military prominence, and the remaining divisions had to be expended sparingly.[209]

Britain, in 1944, did not possess the manpower to rebuild shattered divisions and it was imperative for Montgomery to protect the viability of the British army so that Britain could still play an important part in the final victory. It was reported to the War Office that “Montgomery has to be very careful of what he does on his eastern flank because on that flank is the only British Army there is left in this part of the world”. The context of British casualties and the shortage of reinforcements, prompted Montgomery to “excessive caution”.[210] Dempsey wrote on 13 June, that Caen could only be taken by a “set piece assault and we did not have the men or the ammunition for that at the time”.[211]

Montgomery’s solution to the dilemma was to attempt to remain Commander of All Land Forces until the end of the war, so that any victory attained on the Western front – although achieved primarily by American formations – would accrue in part to him and thus to Britain. He would also be able to ensure that British units were spared some of the high-attrition actions, but would be most prominent when the final blows were struck.[212] When that strategy failed, he persuaded Eisenhower to occasionally put some American formations under the control of the 21st Army Group, so as to bolster his resources while still maintaining the outward appearance of successful British effort.[213]

Montgomery initially remained prepared to push Second (British) Army hard to capture the vital strategic town of Caen, and consequently incur heavy losses. In the original Overlord plan, Montgomery was determined to push past Caen to Falaise as quickly as possible. However, after the heavy casualties incurred in capturing Caen, he changed his mind.[214]

Personality

Montgomery was notorious for his lack of tact and diplomacy. Even his “patron”, the Chief of the Imperial General StaffGeneral Sir Alan Brooke, frequently mentions it in his war diaries: “he is liable to commit untold errors in lack of tact” and “I had to haul him over the coals for his usual lack of tact and egotistical outlook which prevented him from appreciating other people’s feelings”.[215]

One incident that illustrated this occurred during the North African campaign when Montgomery bet Walter Bedell Smith that he could capture Sfax by the middle of April 1943. Smith jokingly replied that if Montgomery could do it he would give him a Flying Fortress complete with crew. Smith promptly forgot all about it, but Montgomery did not, and when Sfax was taken on 10 April he sent a message to Smith “claiming his winnings”. Smith tried to laugh it off, but Montgomery was having none of it and insisted on his aircraft. It got as high as Eisenhower who, with his renowned skill in diplomacy, ensured Montgomery did get his Flying Fortress, though at a great cost in ill feeling.[216] Even Brooke thought it crass stupidity.[217]

Antony Beevor, in discussing Montgomery’s counterproductive lack of tact in the final months of the war, described him as “insufferable”. Beevor says that in January 1945 Montgomery had tried to claim far too much credit for the British (and for himself) in defeating the German counter-attack in the Ardennes in December 1944. This “crass and unpleasant blunder” helped make it impossible for Churchill and Field Marshal Alan Brooke to persuade Eisenhower of the need for an immediate thrust – to be led by Montgomery – through Germany to Berlin. Eisenhower did not accept the viability of the “dagger thrust” approach, it had already been agreed that Berlin would fall into the future Soviet occupation zone, and he was not willing to accept heavy casualties for no gain, so Eisenhower disregarded the British suggestions and continued with his conservative broad front strategy, and the Red Army reached Berlin well ahead of the Western Allies.[218]

In August 1945, while Brooke, Sir Andrew Cunningham and Sir Charles Portal were discussing their possible successors as “Chiefs of Staff”, they concluded that Montgomery would be very efficient as CIGS from the Army’s point of view but that he was also very unpopular with a large proportion of the Army. Despite this, Cunningham and Portal were strongly in favour of Montgomery succeeding Brooke after his retirement.[219] Prime Minister Winston Churchill, by all accounts a faithful friend, is quoted as saying of Montgomery, “In defeat, unbeatable; in victory, unbearable.”[220]

Montgomery suffered from “an overbearing conceit and an uncontrollable urge for self-promotion.” General Hastings Ismay, who was at the time Winston Churchill’s chief staff officer and trusted military adviser, once stated of Montgomery: “I have come to the conclusion that his love of publicity is a disease, like alcoholism or taking drugs, and that it sends him equally mad.”[221][222][223]

Later life

Post-war military caree

Montgomery and Soviet Marshals Zhukov (red sash) and Rokossovsky (medal with solid red ribbon) with General Sokolovsky (medal with red and white ribbon) leave the Brandenburg Gate on 12 July 1945

Montgomery and Soviet Marshals Zhukov and Rokossovsky with General Sokolovsky leave the Brandenburg Gate on 12 July 1945 after being decorated by Montgomery.

After the war, Montgomery became the Commander-in-chief (C-in-C) of the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR), the name given to the British Occupation Forces, and was the British member of the Allied Control Council.[224]

Chief of the Imperial General Staff

Montgomery was Chief of the Imperial General Staff (CIGS) from 1946 to 1948, succeeding Alan Brooke.[206]

Field Marshal Alan Francis Brooke, 1st Viscount Alanbrooke,, was a senior officer of the British Army. He was Chief of the Imperial General Staff (CIGS),

As CIGS, Montgomery toured Africa in 1947 and in a secret 1948 report to Prime Minister Clement Attlee‘s government proposed a “master plan” to amalgamate British Africa territories and to exploit the raw materials of Africa, thereby counteracting the loss of British influence in Asia.[206]

However, Montgomery was barely on speaking terms with his fellow service chiefs, sending his deputy Kenneth Crawford to attend their meetings[224] and he clashed particularly with Sir Arthur Tedder, who was by now Chief of the Air Staff (CAS).[206]

When Montgomery’s term of office expired, Prime Minister Attlee appointed Sir William Slim from retirement with the rank of field marshal as his successor. When Montgomery protested that he had told his protégé, General Sir John Crocker, former commander of I Corps in the 1944–45 North-West Europe Campaign, that the job was to be his, Attlee is said to have retorted “Untell him”.[225]

Western Union Defence Organization

Montgomery in New Zealand in 1947

Montgomery in New Zealand in 1947

Montgomery was then appointed Chairman of the Western Union Defence Organization‘s C-in-C committee.[224] Volume 3 of Nigel Hamilton‘s Life of Montgomery of Alamein gives an account of the bickering between Montgomery and his land forces chief, French General Jean de Lattre de Tassigny, which created splits through the Union headquarters.[226]

NATO

On the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation‘s Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe in 1951, Montgomery became Eisenhower’s deputy [227] He would continue to serve under Eisenhower’s successors, Generals Matthew Ridgway and Al Gruenther, until his retirement, aged nearly 71, in 1958.[228]

Personal

Montgomery was created 1st Viscount Montgomery of Alamein in 1946.[229]

Montgomery’s mother, Maude Montgomery, died at New Park in Moville in Inishowen in 1949. She was buried alongside her husband in the ‘kirkyard‘ behind St. Columb’s Church, the small Church of Ireland church beside New Park, overlooking Lough Foyle. Montgomery did not attend the funeral, claiming he was “too busy”.[89]

Montgomery was an Honorary Member of the Winkle Club, a charity in Hastings, East Sussex, and introduced Winston Churchill to the club in 1955.[230]

He was chairman of the governing body of St. John’s School in Leatherhead, Surrey, from 1951 to 1966, and a generous supporter.[231]

He was also President of Portsmouth Football Club between 1944 and 1961.[232]

Opinions

Memoirs

Montgomery is the capital city of the U.S. state of Alabama and the county seat of Montgomery County. Named for Richard Montgomery, it stands beside the Alabama River, on the coastal Plain of the Gulf of Mexico. In the 2020 Census, Montgomery’s population was 200,603

Lord Montgomery as CIGS with Lord WavellViceroy of India, and Auchinleck, Commander in Chief Indian Army. Delhi 1946

Montgomery’s memoirs (1958) criticised many of his wartime comrades in harsh terms, including Eisenhower.[233] He was threatened with legal action by Field Marshal Auchinleck for suggesting that Auchinleck had intended to retreat from the Alamein position if attacked again, and had to give a radio broadcast (20 November 1958) expressing his gratitude to Auchinleck for having stabilised the front at the First Battle of Alamein.[234]

The 1960 paperback edition of Montgomery’s memoirs contains a publisher’s note drawing attention to that broadcast, and stating that although the reader might assume from Montgomery’s text that Auchinleck had been planning to retreat “into the Nile Delta or beyond” in the publisher’s view it had been Auchinleck’s intention to launch an offensive as soon as the Eighth Army was “rested and regrouped”.[235] Montgomery was stripped of his honorary citizenship of Montgomery, Alabama, and was challenged to a duel by an Italian lawyer.[236]

Montgomery mentioned to the American journalist John Gunther in April 1944 that (like Alanbrooke) he kept a secret diary. Gunther remarked that it would surely be an essential source for historians. When Montgomery asked whether it would be worth money one day, Gunther suggested “at least $100,000.” This was converted into pounds sterling, and he is supposed to have grinned and said “Well, I guess I won’t die in the poor house after all.”[237]

Military opinions

Montgomery twice met Israeli general Moshe Dayan. After an initial meeting in the early 1950s, Montgomery met Dayan again in the 1960s to discuss the Vietnam War, which Dayan was studying. Montgomery was harshly critical of US strategy in Vietnam, which involved deploying large numbers of combat troops, aggressive bombing attacks, and uprooting entire village populations and forcing them into strategic hamlets. Montgomery said that the Americans’ most important problem was that they had no clear-cut objective, and allowed local commanders to set military policy. At the end of their meeting, Montgomery asked Dayan to tell the Americans, in his name, that they were “insane”.[238]

During a visit to the Alamein battlefields in May 1967, he bluntly told high-ranking Egyptian Army officers that they would lose any war with Israel, a warning that was shown to be justified only a few weeks later in the Six-Day War.[239]

Social opinions

In retirement, Montgomery publicly supported apartheid after a visit to South Africa in 1962, and after a visit to China declared himself impressed by the Chinese leadership.[240][241] He spoke out against the legalisation of homosexuality in the United Kingdom, arguing that the Sexual Offences Act 1967 was a “charter for buggery”[242] and that “this sort of thing may be tolerated by the French, but we’re British – thank God”.[243]

Montgomery was a teetotaler, a vegetarian,[244] and a Christian.[245]

Death

Lord Montgomery as CIGS with Lord WavellViceroy of India, and Auchinleck, Commander in Chief Indian Army. Delhi 1946

Statue of Montgomery in Whitehall, London, by Oscar Nemon, unveiled in 1980

Montgomery died from unspecified causes in 1976 at his home Isington Mill in IsingtonHampshire, aged 88.[246][247][248][249] After a funeral at St George’s Chapel, Windsor, his body was buried in Holy Cross churchyard, in Binsted, Hampshire.[89] He was survived by his son and only child David Montgomery, 2nd Viscount Montgomery of Alamein (1928–2020) as well as two grandchildren. His wife Betty Carver died in 1937.[250]

His Garter banner, which had hung in St. George’s Chapel in Windsor during his lifetime, is now on display in St Mary’s, Warwick.[251]

Statue of Montgomery in Whitehall, London, by Oscar Nemon, unveiled in 1980
Montgomery’s grave, Holy Cross churchyard, Binsted
Montgomery’s Garter banner on display in St Mary’s, Warwick.

Legacy

Montgomery’s Grant command tank, on display at the Imperial War Museum in London

Montgomery’s Grant command tank, on display at the Imperial War Museum in London

  • The Imperial War Museum holds a variety of material relating to Montgomery in its collections. These include Montgomery’s Grant command tank (on display in the atrium at the Museum’s London branch), his command caravans as used in North West Europe (on display at IWM Duxford), and his papers are held by the Museum’s Department of Documents. The Museum maintains a permanent exhibition about Montgomery, entitled Monty: Master of the Battlefield.[255]
  • The World Champion Field Marshal Montgomery Pipe Band from Northern Ireland is named after him.[256]
  • Montgomery’s Rolls-Royce staff car is on display at the Royal Logistic Corps MuseumDeepcut, Surrey.[257]
  • The Montgomery cocktail is a martini mixed at a ratio of 15 parts gin to 1 part vermouth, and popular with Ernest Hemingway at Harry’s Bar in Venice.[258] The drink was facetiously named for Montgomery’s supposed refusal to go into battle unless his numerical advantage was at least fifteen to one, and it appeared in Hemingway’s 1950 novel Across the River and into the Trees. Ironically, following severe internal injuries received in the First World War, Montgomery himself could neither smoke nor drink.[176]

Honours and awards

See also

Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart

Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart

Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart

Full Name: Johannes Chrysostomus Wolfgangus Theophilus Mozart
Profession: Classical Musician and Composer
Nationality: Austrian
Biography: A musical child prodigy, skilled at both the piano and violin in 18th century Austria, Mozart and his older sister, also a pianist performed throughout Europe.

Mozart composed over 600 works, including 53 symphonies, dozens of masses and liturgical works, and over 20 operas and lyric theater pieces.
Born: January 27, 1756
Birthplace: Salzburg, Austria
Star Sign: Aquarius
Died: December 5, 1791 (aged 35)
Cause of Death: Officially recorded as hitziges Frieselfieber, or severe miliary fever, which refers to a rash that looks like millet seeds. This is more a description of the symptoms than a diagnosis and researchers have suggested over 100 other possible causes of death.
Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart[a] (27 January 1756 – 5 December 1791), baptised as Johannes Chrysostomus Wolfgangus Theophilus Mozart,[b] was a prolific and influential composer of the Classical period. Despite his short life, his rapid pace of composition resulted in more than 800 works of virtually every genre of his time. Many of these compositions are acknowledged as pinnacles of the symphonic, concertante, chamber, operatic, and choral repertoire. Mozart was among the greatest composers in the history of Western music,[1] and his elder colleague Joseph Haydn wrote: “posterity will not see such a talent again in 100 years”.[2]
Born in Salzburg, in the Holy Roman Empire, Mozart showed prodigious ability from his earliest childhood. Already competent on keyboard and violin, he composed from the age of five and performed before European royalty, embarking on a grand tour and then three trips to Italy. At 17, Mozart was engaged as a musician at the Salzburg court but grew restless and travelled in search of a better position.
While visiting Vienna in 1781, he was dismissed from his Salzburg position. He chose to stay in Vienna, where he achieved fame but little financial security. During his final years in Vienna, he composed many of his best-known symphonies, concertos, and operas, and portions of the Requiem, which was largely unfinished at the time of his early death at the age of 35. The circumstances of his death are largely uncertain, and have thus been much mythologized.

Life and career

Mozart’s birthplace at Getreidegasse 9, Salzburg
Early life


Family and childhood
See also: Mozart’s name and Mozart family
Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart was born on 27 January 1756 to Leopold Mozart (1719–1787) and Anna Maria, née Pertl (1720–1778), at Getreidegasse 9 in Salzburg.[3] Salzburg was the capital of the Archbishopric of Salzburg, an ecclesiastic principality in the Holy Roman Empire (today in Austria).[c] He was the youngest of seven children, five of whom died in infancy. His elder sister was Maria Anna Mozart (1751–1829), nicknamed “Nannerl”. Mozart was baptised the day after his birth, at St. Rupert’s Cathedral in Salzburg. The baptismal record gives his name in Latinized form, as Joannes Chrysostomus Wolfgangus Theophilus Mozart. He generally called himself “Wolfgang Amadè Mozart”[4] as an adult, but his name had many variants.
Leopold Mozart, a native of Augsburg,[5] then an Imperial Free City in the Holy Roman Empire, was a minor composer and an experienced teacher. In 1743, he was appointed as fourth violinist in the musical establishment of Count Leopold Anton von Firmian, the ruling Prince-Archbishop of Salzburg.[6] Four years later, he married Anna Maria in Salzburg. Leopold became the orchestra’s deputy Kapellmeister in 1763. During the year of his son’s birth, Leopold published a violin textbook, Versuch einer gründlichen Violinschule, which achieved success.[7]
When Nannerl was 7, she began keyboard lessons with her father, while her three-year-old brother looked on. Years later, after her brother’s death, she reminisced:
He often spent much time at the clavier, picking out thirds, which he was ever striking, and his pleasure showed that it sounded good. … In the fourth year of his age his father, for a game as it were, began to teach him a few minuets and pieces at the clavier. … He could play it faultlessly and with the greatest delicacy, and keeping exactly in time. … At the age of five, he was already composing little pieces, which he played to his father who wrote them down.[8]

The Mozart family on tour: Leopold,

The Mozart family on tour: Leopold, Wolfgang, and Nannerl. Watercolour by Carmontelle, c. 1763[9]
These early pieces, K. 1–5, were recorded in the Nannerl Notenbuch. There is some scholarly debate about whether Mozart was four or five years old when he created his first musical compositions, though there is little doubt that Mozart composed his first three pieces of music within a few weeks of each other: K. 1a, 1b, and 1c.[10]
In his early years, Wolfgang’s father was his only teacher. Along with music, he taught his children languages and academic subjects.[11] Solomon notes that, while Leopold was a devoted teacher to his children, there is evidence that Mozart was keen to progress beyond what he was taught.[11] His first ink-spattered composition and his precocious efforts with the violin were of his initiative and came as a surprise to Leopold,[12] who eventually gave up composing when his son’s musical talents became evident.[13]
1762–73: Travel
Main articles: Mozart family grand tour and Mozart in Italy
While Wolfgang was young, his family made several European journeys in which he and Nannerl performed as child prodigies. These began with an exhibition in 1762 at the court of Prince-elector Maximilian III of Bavaria in Munich, and at the Imperial Courts in Vienna and Prague. A long concert tour followed, spanning three and a half years, taking the family to the courts of Munich, Mannheim, Paris, London,[14] Dover, The Hague, Amsterdam, Utrecht, Mechelen and again to Paris, and back home via Zurich, Donaueschingen, and Munich.[15] During this trip, Wolfgang met many musicians and acquainted himself with the works of other composers. A particularly significant influence was Johann Christian Bach, whom he visited in London in 1764 and 1765. When he was eight years old, Mozart wrote his first symphony, most of which was probably transcribed by his father.[16]

Mozart aged 14 in January 1770 (School of Verona, attributed to Giambettino Cignaroli)

Antiphon “Quaerite primum regnum Dei”, K. 86/73v (1:02)
Composed 9 October 1770 for admission to the Accademia Filarmonica di Bologna; Performed by Phillip W. Serna, treble, tenor & bass viols

Problems playing this file? See media help.
The family trips were often challenging, and travel conditions were primitive.[17] They had to wait for invitations and reimbursement from the nobility, and they endured long, near-fatal illnesses far from home: first Leopold (London, summer 1764),[18] then both children (The Hague, autumn 1765).[19] The family again went to Vienna in late 1767 and remained there until December 1768.

Mozart aged 14 in January 1770 (School of Verona, attributed to


After one year in Salzburg, Leopold and Wolfgang set off for Italy, leaving Anna Maria and Nannerl at home. This tour lasted from December 1769 to March 1771. As with earlier journeys, Leopold wanted to display his son’s abilities as a performer and a rapidly maturing composer. Wolfgang met Josef Mysliveček and Giovanni Battista Martini in Bologna and was accepted as a member of the famous Accademia Filarmonica. In Rome, he heard Gregorio Allegri’s Miserere twice in performance, in the Sistine Chapel, and wrote it out from memory, thus producing the first unauthorized copy of this closely guarded property of the Vatican.[20][21]
In Milan, Mozart wrote the opera Mitridate, re di Ponto (1770), which was performed with success. This led to further opera commissions. He returned with his father twice to Milan (August–December 1771; October 1772 – March 1773) for the composition and premieres of Ascanio in Alba (1771) and Lucio Silla (1772). Leopold hoped these visits would result in a professional appointment for his son, and indeed ruling Archduke Ferdinand contemplated hiring Mozart, but owing to his mother Empress Maria Theresa’s reluctance to employ “useless people”, the matter was dropped[d] and Leopold’s hopes were never realized.[22] Toward the end of the journey, Mozart wrote the solo motet Exsultate, jubilate, K. 165.
1773–77: Employment at the Salzburg court

Tanzmeisterhaus [de], Salzburg, Mozart family residence from 1773; reconstructed 1996
After finally returning with his father from Italy on 13 March 1773, Mozart was employed as a court musician by the ruler of Salzburg, Prince-Archbishop Hieronymus Colloredo. The composer had many friends and admirers in Salzburg[23] and had the opportunity to work in many genres, including symphonies, sonatas, string quartets, masses, serenades, and a few minor operas. Between April and December 1775, Mozart developed an enthusiasm for violin concertos, producing a series of five (the only ones he ever wrote), which steadily increased in their musical sophistication. The last three—K. 216, K. 218, K. 219—are now staples of the repertoire. In 1776, he turned his efforts to piano concertos, culminating in the E♭ concerto K. 271 of early 1777, considered by critics to be a breakthrough work.[24]
Despite these artistic successes, Mozart grew increasingly discontented with Salzburg and redoubled his efforts to find a position elsewhere. One reason was his low salary, 150 florins a year;[25] Mozart longed to compose operas, and Salzburg provided only rare occasions for these. The situation worsened in 1775 when the court theatre was closed, especially since the other theatre in Salzburg was primarily reserved for visiting troupes.[26]
Two long expeditions in search of work interrupted this long Salzburg stay. Mozart and his father visited Vienna from 14 July to 26 September 1773, and Munich from 6 December 1774 to March 1775. Neither visit was successful, though the Munich journey resulted in a popular success with the premiere of Mozart’s opera La finta giardiniera.[27]
1777–78: Journey to Paris

Mozart wearing the badge of the Order of the Golden Spur which he received in 1770 from Pope Clement XIV in Rome.

Mozart wearing the badge of the Order of the Golden Spur which he received in 1770 from Pope Clement XIV in Rome. The painting is a 1777 copy of a work now lost.[28]
In August 1777, Mozart resigned his position at Salzburg[29][e] and on 23 September ventured out once more in search of employment, with visits to Augsburg, Mannheim, Paris, and Munich.[30]
Mozart became acquainted with members of the famous orchestra in Mannheim, the best in Europe at the time. He also fell in love with Aloysia Weber, one of four daughters of a musical family. There were prospects of employment in Mannheim, but they came to nothing,[31] and Mozart left for Paris on 14 March 1778[32] to continue his search. One of his letters from Paris hints at a possible post as an organist at Versailles, but Mozart was not interested in such an appointment.[33] He fell into debt and took to pawning valuables.[34] The nadir of the visit occurred when Mozart’s mother was taken ill and died on 3 July 1778.[35] There had been delays in calling a doctor—probably, according to Halliwell, because of a lack of funds.[36] Mozart stayed with Melchior Grimm, who, as a personal secretary of the Duke d’Orléans, lived in his mansion.[37]
While Mozart was in Paris, his father was pursuing opportunities of employment for him in Salzburg.[38] With the support of the local nobility, Mozart was offered a post as court organist and concertmaster. The annual salary was 450 florins,[39] but he was reluctant to accept.[40] By that time, relations between Grimm and Mozart had cooled, and Mozart moved out. After leaving Paris in September 1778 for Strasbourg, he lingered in Mannheim and Munich, still hoping to obtain an appointment outside Salzburg. In Munich, he again encountered Aloysia, now a very successful singer, but she was no longer interested in him.[41] Mozart finally returned to Salzburg on 15 January 1779 and took up his new appointment, but his discontent with Salzburg remained undiminished.[42]
Among the better-known works which Mozart wrote on the Paris journey are the A minor piano sonata, K. 310/300d, the “Paris” Symphony (No. 31), which were performed in Paris on 12 and 18 June 1778.[43] and the Concerto for Flute and Harp in C major, K. 299/297c.[44]
Vienna
1781: Departure

Mozart family, c. 1780 (della Croce); the portrait on the wall is of Mozart’s mother.

Mozart family, c. 1780 (della Croce); the portrait on the wall is of Mozart’s mother.
In January 1781, Mozart’s opera Idomeneo premiered with “considerable success” in Munich.[45] The following March, Mozart was summoned to Vienna, where his employer, Archbishop Colloredo, was attending the celebrations for the accession of Joseph II to the Austrian throne. For Colloredo, this was simply a matter of wanting his musical servant to be at hand (Mozart indeed was required to dine in Colloredo’s establishment with the valets and cooks).[f] However, Mozart was planning a bigger career even as he continued in the archbishop’s service;[47] for example, he wrote to his father:
My main goal right now is to meet the emperor in some agreeable fashion, I am absolutely determined he should get to know me. I would be so happy if I could whip through my opera for him and then play a fugue or two, for that’s what he likes.[48]
Mozart did indeed soon meet the Emperor, who eventually was to support his career substantially with commissions and a part-time position.
In the same letter to his father just quoted, Mozart outlined his plans to participate as a soloist in the concerts of the Tonkünstler-Societät, a prominent benefit concert series;[48] this plan as well came to pass after the local nobility prevailed on Colloredo to drop his opposition.[49]
Colloredo’s wish to prevent Mozart from performing outside his establishment was in other cases, however, carried through, raising the composer’s anger; one example was a chance to perform before the Emperor at Countess Thun’s for a fee equal to half of his yearly Salzburg salary.
The quarrel with the archbishop came to a head in May: Mozart attempted to resign and was refused. The following month, permission was granted, but in a grossly insulting way: the composer was dismissed literally “with a kick in the arse”, administered by the archbishop’s steward, Count Arco. Mozart decided to settle in Vienna as a freelance performer and composer.[50]
The quarrel with Colloredo was more difficult for Mozart because his father sided against him. Hoping fervently that he would obediently follow Colloredo back to Salzburg, Mozart’s father exchanged intense letters with his son, urging him to be reconciled with their employer. Mozart passionately defended his intention to pursue an independent career in Vienna. The debate ended when Mozart was dismissed by the archbishop, freeing himself both of his employer and of his father’s demands to return. Solomon characterizes Mozart’s resignation as a “revolutionary step” that significantly altered the course of his life.[51]
Early years
See also: Haydn and Mozart and Mozart and Freemasonry
Mozart’s new career in Vienna began well. He often performed as a pianist, notably in a competition before the Emperor with Muzio Clementi on 24 December 1781,[50] and he soon “had established himself as the finest keyboard player in Vienna”.[50] He also prospered as a composer, and in 1782 completed the opera Die Entführung aus dem Serail (“The Abduction from the Seraglio”), which premiered on 16 July 1782 and achieved considerable success. The work was soon being performed “throughout German-speaking Europe”,[50] and thoroughly established Mozart’s reputation as a composer.

1782 portrait of Constanze Mozart by her brother-in-law Joseph Lange

1782 portrait of Constanze Mozart by her brother-in-law Joseph Lange
Near the height of his quarrels with Colloredo, Mozart moved in with the Weber family, who had moved to Vienna from Mannheim. The family’s father, Fridolin, had died, and the Webers were now taking in lodgers to make ends meet.[52]
Marriage and children
After failing to win the hand of Aloysia Weber, who was now married to the actor and artist Joseph Lange, Mozart’s interest shifted to the third daughter of the family, Constanze.
The courtship did not go entirely smoothly; surviving correspondence indicates that Mozart and Constanze briefly separated in April 1782.[53] Mozart faced a challenging task in getting his father’s permission for the marriage.[54] The couple were finally married on 4 August 1782 in St. Stephen’s Cathedral, the day before his father’s consenting letter arrived in the mail.[54]
The couple had six children, of whom only two survived infancy:[55]
• Raimund Leopold (17 June – 19 August 1783)
• Karl Thomas Mozart (21 September 1784 – 31 October 1858)
• Johann Thomas Leopold (18 October – 15 November 1786)
• Theresia Constanzia Adelheid Friedericke Maria Anna (27 December 1787 – 29 June 1788)
• Anna Maria (died soon after birth, 16 November 1789)
• Franz Xaver Wolfgang Mozart (26 July 1791 – 29 July 1844)
1782–87
In 1782 and 1783, Mozart became intimately acquainted with the work of Johann Sebastian Bach and George Frideric Handel as a result of the influence of Gottfried van Swieten, who owned many manuscripts of the Baroque masters. Mozart’s study of these scores inspired compositions in Baroque style and later influenced his musical language, for example in fugal passages in Die Zauberflöte (“The Magic Flute”) and the finale of Symphony No. 41.[6]
In 1783, Mozart and his wife visited his family in Salzburg. His father and sister were cordially polite to Constanze, but the visit prompted the composition of one of Mozart’s great liturgical pieces, the Mass in C minor. Though not completed, it was premiered in Salzburg, with Constanze singing a solo part.[56]
Mozart met Joseph Haydn in Vienna around 1784, and the two composers became friends. When Haydn visited Vienna, they sometimes played together in an impromptu string quartet. Mozart’s six quartets dedicated to Haydn (K. 387, K. 421, K. 428, K. 458, K. 464, and K. 465) date from the period 1782 to 1785, and are judged to be a response to Haydn’s Opus 33 set from 1781.[57] Haydn in 1785 told Mozart’s father: “I tell you before God, and as an honest man, your son is the greatest composer known to me by person and repute, he has taste and what is more the greatest skill in composition.”[58]
From 1782 to 1785 Mozart mounted concerts with himself as a soloist, presenting three or four new piano concertos in each season. Since space in the theatres was scarce, he booked unconventional venues: a large room in the Trattnerhof apartment building, and the ballroom of the Mehlgrube restaurant.[59] The concerts were very popular, and his concertos premiered there are still firm fixtures in his repertoire. Solomon writes that during this period, Mozart created “a harmonious connection between an eager composer-performer and a delighted audience, which was given the opportunity of witnessing the transformation and perfection of a major musical genre”.[59]
With substantial returns from his concerts and elsewhere, Mozart and his wife adopted a more luxurious lifestyle. They moved to an expensive apartment, with a yearly rent of 460 florins.[60] Mozart bought a fine fortepiano from Anton Walter for about 900 florins, and a billiard table for about 300.[60] The Mozarts sent their son Karl Thomas to an expensive boarding school[61][62] and kept servants. During this period Mozart saved little of his income.[63][64]
On 14 December 1784, Mozart became a Freemason, admitted to the lodge Zur Wohltätigkeit (“Beneficence”).[65] Freemasonry played an essential role in the remainder of Mozart’s life: he attended meetings, a number of his friends were Masons, and on various occasions, he composed Masonic music, e.g. the Maurerische Trauermusik.[66]
1786–87: Return to opera

Fortepiano played by Mozart in 1787, Czech Museum of Music, Prague[6

Fortepiano played by Mozart in 1787, Czech Museum of Music, Prague[67]
Despite the great success of Die Entführung aus dem Serail, Mozart did little operatic writing for the next four years, producing only two unfinished works and the one-act Der Schauspieldirektor. He focused instead on his career as a piano soloist and writer of concertos. Around the end of 1785, Mozart moved away from keyboard writing[68][page needed] and began his famous operatic collaboration with the librettist Lorenzo Da Ponte. 1786 saw the successful premiere of The Marriage of Figaro in Vienna. Its reception in Prague later in the year was even warmer, and this led to a second collaboration with Da Ponte: the opera Don Giovanni, which premiered in October 1787 to acclaim in Prague, but less success in Vienna during 1788.[69] The two are among Mozart’s most famous works and are mainstays of operatic repertoire today, though at their premieres their musical complexity caused difficulty both for listeners and for performers. These developments were not witnessed by Mozart’s father, who had died on 28 May 1787.[70]
In December 1787, Mozart finally obtained a steady post under aristocratic patronage. Emperor Joseph II appointed him as his “chamber composer”, a post that had fallen vacant the previous month on the death of Gluck. It was a part-time appointment, paying just 800 florins per year, and required Mozart only to compose dances for the annual balls in the Redoutensaal (see Mozart and dance). This modest income became important to Mozart when hard times arrived. Court records show that Joseph aimed to keep the esteemed composer from leaving Vienna in pursuit of better prospects.[71][g]
In 1787, the young Ludwig van Beethoven spent several weeks in Vienna, hoping to study with Mozart.[72] No reliable records survive to indicate whether the two composers ever met.
Later years
1788–90
See also: Mozart’s Berlin journey

Drawing of Mozart in silverpoint, made by Dora Stock during Mozart’s visit to Dresden, April 1789

Drawing of Mozart in silverpoint, made by Dora Stock during Mozart’s visit to Dresden, April 1789
Toward the end of the decade, Mozart’s circumstances worsened. Around 1786 he had ceased to appear frequently in public concerts, and his income shrank.[73] This was a difficult time for musicians in Vienna because of the Austro-Turkish War: both the general level of prosperity and the ability of the aristocracy to support music had declined.[68]
By mid-1788, Mozart and his family had moved from central Vienna to the suburb of Alsergrund.[73] Although it has been suggested that Mozart aimed to reduce his rental expenses by moving to a suburb, as he wrote in his letter to Michael von Puchberg, Mozart had not reduced his expenses but merely increased the housing space at his disposal.[74] Mozart began to borrow money, most often from his friend and fellow mason Puchberg; “a pitiful sequence of letters pleading for loans” survives.[75] Maynard Solomon and others have suggested that Mozart was suffering from depression, and it seems his musical output slowed.[76] Major works of the period include the last three symphonies (Nos. 39, 40, and 41, all from 1788), and the last of the three Da Ponte operas, Così fan tutte, premiered in 1790.
Around this time, Mozart made some long journeys hoping to improve his fortunes, visiting Leipzig, Dresden, and Berlin in the spring of 1789, and Frankfurt, Mannheim, and other German cities in 1790.
1791
Mozart’s last year was, until his final illness struck, a time of high productivity—and by some accounts, one of personal recovery.[77][h] He composed a great deal, including some of his most admired works: the opera The Magic Flute; the final piano concerto (K. 595 in B♭); the Clarinet Concerto K. 622; the last in his series of string quintets (K. 614 in E♭); the motet Ave verum corpus K. 618; and the unfinished Requiem K. 626.
Mozart’s financial situation, a source of anxiety in 1790, finally began to improve. Although the evidence is inconclusive,[78] it appears that wealthy patrons in Hungary and Amsterdam pledged annuities to Mozart in return for the occasional composition. He is thought to have benefited from the sale of dance music written in his role as Imperial chamber composer.[78] Mozart no longer borrowed large sums from Puchberg and began to pay off his debts.[78]
He experienced great satisfaction in the public success of some of his works, notably The Magic Flute (which was performed several times in the short period between its premiere and Mozart’s death)[79] and the Little Masonic Cantata K. 623, premiered on 17 November 1791.[80]
Final illness and death

Posthumous painting by Barbara Krafft in 1819


Main article: Death of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart
Mozart fell ill while in Prague for the premiere, on 6 September 1791, of his opera La clemenza di Tito, which was written in that same year on commission for Emperor Leopold II’s coronation festivities.[81] He continued his professional functions for some time and conducted the premiere of The Magic Flute on 30 September. His health deteriorated on 20 November, at which point he became bedridden, suffering from swelling, pain, and vomiting.[82]

Posthumous painting by Barbara Krafft in 1819
Mozart was nursed in his final days by his wife and her youngest sister, and was attended by the family doctor, Thomas Franz Closset. He was mentally occupied with the task of finishing his Requiem, but the evidence that he dictated passages to his student Franz Xaver Süssmayr is minimal.[83]
Mozart died in his home on 5 December 1791 (aged 35) at 12:55 am.[84] The New Grove describes his funeral:
Mozart was interred in a common grave, in accordance with contemporary Viennese custom, at the St. Marx Cemetery outside the city on 7 December. If, as later reports say, no mourners attended, that too is consistent with Viennese burial customs at the time; later Otto Jahn (1856) wrote that Salieri, Süssmayr, van Swieten and two other musicians were present. The tale of a storm and snow is false; the day was calm and mild.[85]
The expression “common grave” refers to neither a communal grave nor a pauper’s grave, but an individual grave for a member of the common people (i.e., not the aristocracy). Common graves were subject to excavation after ten years; the graves of aristocrats were not.[86]
The cause of Mozart’s death is not known with certainty. The official record of hitziges Frieselfieber (“severe miliary fever”, referring to a rash that looks like millet seeds) is more a symptomatic description than a diagnosis. Researchers have suggested more than a hundred causes of death, including acute rheumatic fever,[87][88] streptococcal infection,[89][90] trichinosis,[91][92] influenza, mercury poisoning, and a rare kidney ailment.[87]
Mozart’s modest funeral did not reflect his standing with the public as a composer; memorial services and concerts in Vienna and Prague were well-attended. Indeed, in the period immediately after his death, his reputation rose substantially. Solomon describes an “unprecedented wave of enthusiasm”[93] for his work; biographies were written first by Schlichtegroll, Niemetschek, and Nissen, and publishers vied to produce complete editions of his works.[93]
Appearance and character

Detail of portrait of Mozart by his brother-in-law Joseph Lange; for discussion of the portrait, see Joseph Lange

Detail of portrait of Mozart by his brother-in-law Joseph Lange; for discussion of the portrait, see Joseph Lange


Mozart’s physical appearance was described by tenor Michael Kelly in his Reminiscences: “a remarkably small man, very thin and pale, with a profusion of fine, fair hair of which he was rather vain”. His early biographer Niemetschek wrote, “there was nothing special about [his] physique. … He was small and his countenance, except for his large intense eyes, gave no signs of his genius.” His facial complexion was pitted, a reminder of his childhood case of smallpox.[94] Of his voice, his wife later wrote that it “was a tenor, rather soft in speaking and delicate in singing, but when anything excited him, or it became necessary to exert it, it was both powerful and energetic.”[95]
He loved elegant clothing. Kelly remembered him at a rehearsal: “[He] was on the stage with his crimson pelisse and gold-laced cocked hat, giving the time of the music to the orchestra.” Based on pictures that researchers were able to find of Mozart, he seemed to wear a white wig for most of his formal occasions—researchers of the Salzburg Mozarteum declared that only one of his fourteen portraits they had found showed him without his wig.[94]
Mozart usually worked long and hard, finishing compositions at a tremendous pace as deadlines approached. He often made sketches and drafts; unlike Beethoven’s, these are mostly not preserved, as his wife sought to destroy them after his death.[96]
Mozart lived at the center of the Viennese musical world, and knew a significant number and variety of people: fellow musicians, theatrical performers, fellow Salzburgers, and aristocrats, including some acquaintance with Emperor Joseph II. Solomon considers his three closest friends to have been Gottfried von Jacquin, Count August Hatzfeld, and Sigmund Barisani; others included his elder colleague Joseph Haydn, singers Franz Xaver Gerl and Benedikt Schack, and the horn player Joseph Leutgeb. Leutgeb and Mozart carried on a curious kind of friendly mockery, often with Leutgeb as the butt of Mozart’s practical jokes.[97]
He enjoyed billiards, dancing, and kept pets, including a canary, a starling, a dog, and a horse for recreational riding.[98] He had a startling fondness for scatological humour, which is preserved in his surviving letters, notably those written to his cousin Maria Anna Thekla Mozart around 1777–1778, and in his correspondence with his sister and parents.[99] Mozart also wrote scatological music, a series of canons that he sang with his friends.[100] Mozart was raised a Catholic and remained a devout member of the Church throughout his life.[101][102]
Works, musical style, and innovations
See also: List of compositions by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, List of operas by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, and Mozart’s compositional method
Style

Symphonie Nr. 40 g-moll, K. 550. Movement: 1. Molto allegro (8:13)

Overture to Don Giovanni (6:49)
Both performed by the Fulda Symphonic Orchestra, Conductor: Simon Schindler

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Mozart’s music, like Haydn’s, stands as an archetype of the Classical style. At the time he began composing, European music was dominated by the style galant, a reaction against the highly evolved intricacy of the Baroque. Progressively, and in large part at the hands of Mozart himself, the contrapuntal complexities of the late Baroque emerged once more, moderated and disciplined by new forms, and adapted to a new aesthetic and social milieu. Mozart was a versatile composer, and wrote in every major genre, including symphony, opera, the solo concerto, chamber music including string quartet and string quintet, and the piano sonata. These forms were not new, but Mozart advanced their technical sophistication and emotional reach. He almost single-handedly developed and popularized the Classical piano concerto. He wrote a great deal of religious music, including large-scale masses, as well as dances, divertimenti, serenades, and other forms of light entertainment.[103]
The central traits of the Classical style are all present in Mozart’s music. Clarity, balance, and transparency are the hallmarks of his work, but simplistic notions of its delicacy mask the exceptional power of his finest masterpieces, such as the Piano Concerto No. 24 in C minor, K. 491; the Symphony No. 40 in G minor, K. 550; and the opera Don Giovanni. Charles Rosen makes the point forcefully:
It is only through recognizing the violence and sensuality at the center of Mozart’s work that we can make a start towards a comprehension of his structures and an insight into his magnificence. In a paradoxical way, Schumann’s superficial characterization of the G minor Symphony can help us to see Mozart’s daemon more steadily. In all of Mozart’s supreme expressions of suffering and terror, there is something shockingly voluptuous.[104]
During his last decade, Mozart frequently exploited chromatic harmony. A notable instance is his String Quartet in C major, K. 465 (1785), whose introduction abounds in chromatic suspensions, giving rise to the work’s nickname, the “Dissonance” quartet.
Mozart had a gift for absorbing and adapting the valuable features of others’ music. His travels helped in the forging of a unique compositional language.[105] In London as a child, he met J. C. Bach and heard his music. In Paris, Mannheim, and Vienna he met with other compositional influences, as well as the avant-garde capabilities of the Mannheim orchestra. In Italy, he encountered the Italian overture and opera buffa, both of which deeply affected the evolution of his practice. In London and Italy, the galant style was in the ascendent: simple, light music with a mania for cadencing; an emphasis on tonic, dominant, and subdominant to the exclusion of other harmonies; symmetrical phrases; and clearly articulated partitions in the overall form of movements.[106] Some of Mozart’s early symphonies are Italian overtures, with three movements running into each other; many are homotonal (all three movements having the same key signature, with the slow middle movement being in the relative minor). Others mimic the works of J. C. Bach, and others show the simple rounded binary forms turned out by Viennese composers.

Facsimile sheet of music from the Dies Irae movement of the Requiem Mass in D minor (K. 626) in Mozart’s handwriting (Mozarthaus, Vienna)

Facsimile sheet of music from the Dies Irae movement of the Requiem Mass in D minor (K. 626) in Mozart’s handwriting (Mozarthaus, Vienna)


As Mozart matured, he progressively incorporated more features adapted from the Baroque. For example, the Symphony No. 29 in A major K. 201 has a contrapuntal main theme in its first movement, and experimentation with irregular phrase lengths. Some of his quartets from 1773 have fugal finales, probably influenced by Haydn, who had included three such finales in his recently published Opus 20 set. The influence of the Sturm und Drang (“Storm and Stress”) period in music, with its brief foreshadowing of the Romantic era, is evident in the music of both composers at that time. Mozart’s Symphony No. 25 in G minor K. 183 is another excellent example.
Mozart would sometimes switch his focus between operas and instrumental music. He produced operas in each of the prevailing styles: opera buffa, such as The Marriage of Figaro, Don Giovanni, and Così fan tutte; opera seria, such as Idomeneo; and Singspiel, of which Die Zauberflöte is the most famous example by any composer. In his later operas, he employed subtle changes in instrumentation, orchestral texture, and tone colour, for emotional depth and to mark dramatic shifts. Here his advances in opera and instrumental composing interacted: his increasingly sophisticated use of the orchestra in the symphonies and concertos influenced his operatic orchestration, and his developing subtlety in using the orchestra to psychological effect in his operas was in turn reflected in his later non-operatic compositions.[107]
Köchel catalogue
Main article: Köchel catalogue
For unambiguous identification of works by Mozart, a Köchel catalogue number is used. This is a unique number assigned, in regular chronological order, to every one of his known works. A work is referenced by the abbreviation “K.” or “KV” followed by this number. The first edition of the catalogue was completed in 1862 by Ludwig von Köchel. It has since been repeatedly updated, as scholarly research improves knowledge of the dates and authenticity of individual works.[108]
Instruments
Although some of Mozart’s early pieces were written for harpsichord, he also became acquainted in his early years with pianos made by Regensburg builder Franz Jakob Späth [de]. Later when Mozart was visiting Augsburg, he was impressed by Stein pianos and shared this in a letter to his father.[109] On 22 October 1777, Mozart had premiered his triple-piano concerto, K. 242, on instruments provided by Stein. The Augsburg Cathedral organist Demmler was playing the first, Mozart the second and Stein the third part.[110] In 1783 when living in Vienna he purchased an instrument by Walter.[111] Leopold Mozart confirmed the attachment which Mozart had with his Walter fortepiano: “It is impossible to describe the hustle and bustle. Your brother’s pianoforte has been moved at least twelve times from his house to the theatre or to someone else’s house.”[112]
Influence

Mozart Monument [de], Mozartplatz, Frankfurt

Mozart Monument [de], Mozartplatz, Frankfurt
See also: Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart in popular culture
His most famous pupil, whom the Mozarts took into their Vienna home for two years as a child, was probably Johann Nepomuk Hummel, a transitional figure between the Classical and Romantic eras.[113] More important is the influence Mozart had on composers of later generations. Ever since the surge in his reputation after his death, studying his scores has been a standard part of classical musicians’ training.[114]
Ludwig van Beethoven, Mozart’s junior by fifteen years, was deeply influenced by his work, with which he was acquainted as a teenager.[115] He is thought to have performed Mozart’s operas while playing in the court orchestra at Bonn[116] and travelled to Vienna in 1787 hoping to study with the older composer. Some of Beethoven’s works have direct models in comparable works by Mozart, and he wrote cadenzas (WoO 58) to Mozart’s D minor piano concerto K. 466. For further details, see Beethoven and Mozart.
Composers have paid homage to Mozart by writing sets of variations on his themes. Beethoven wrote four such sets (Op. 66, WoO 28, WoO 40, WoO 46). Others include Fernando Sor’s Introduction and Variations on a Theme by Mozart (1821), Mikhail Glinka’s Variations on a Theme from Mozart’s Opera “Die Zauberflöte” (1822), Frédéric Chopin’s Variations on “Là ci darem la mano” from Don Giovanni (1827), and Max Reger’s Variations and Fugue on a Theme by Mozart (1914), based on the variation theme in the piano sonata K. 331.[117] Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky, who revered Mozart, wrote his Orchestral Suite No. 4 in G, Mozartiana (1887), as a tribute to Mozart.[118]

Gulf War One 1991

This was my war as a Cheif Technician, Weapons Engineer on XV Tornado Squadron.

Xv’s Armourers
XV’s SNCO’s the Cheifs,

Gulf War )ne 1990-1991

The Gulf War[b] was an armed campaign waged by a United States-led coalition of 35 nations against Iraq in response to the Iraqi invasion and annexation of Kuwait. It was codenamed Operation Desert Shield (2 August 1990 – 17 January 1991) during the pre-combat buildup of troops and the defense of Saudi Arabia, and Operation Desert Storm (17 January 1991 – 28 February 1991) during its combat phase. Continue reading “Gulf War One 1991”

Winston Churcill

Winston Churchill

Should the invader come to Britain, there will be no placid lying down of the people in submission before him, as we have seen, alas, in other countries. We shall defend every village, every town, and every city. The vast mass of London itself, fought street by street, could easily devour an entire hostile army; and we would rather see London laid in ruins and ashes than that it should be tamely and abjectly enslaved. I am bound to state these facts, because it is necessary to inform our people of our intentions, and thus to reassure them. 14 July 1940 Continue reading “Winston Churcill”